As to the sop thrown to the workmen of the world in Section 8 of the Treaty, with its international labour organisation, the German workmen, at least, have no use for it. The revolutionaries with their Independent leaders would not probably co-operate at all in the proceedings at Washington now beginning. The Trades Unionists and Social-Democrats have done so, but under no illusions as to results. A criticism of their organ, _Vorwärts_, points out that this section is inspired by as profound a distrust of the Proletariat as the rest of the Treaty shows of Prussia; and that the provisions as to submission of agenda some months before, as to veto by the Governments except when there is a two-thirds majority, while the workmen's representation is no more than a fourth, and as to enforcing decisions, deprive the whole section of most of its value. The _Vorwärts_, representing the general point of view now dominant in Germany and the point of view which but for other influences would have given the most sympathetic supporters to such procedure as that proposed, now damns it as humbug. But whatever the form of the eventual international institution may be, one fact must be faced. We have not yet made peace with Germany. If the Paris treaties with Germany, Austria and Bulgaria have appeased the angry passions excited by war and finally discredited secret diplomacy, they will have fulfilled a function and cleared the road for peace. The armistice demands were the first stage to peace--these diplomatic damnifications the second. What will be the third and last? FOOTNOTES: [H] This telegram had, I believe, a curious backlash, rather illustrative of the times in Germany. A countess with political ambitions, who had set up an Independent salon, had had that Friday her usual "evening," at which I had looked in for a few minutes. On Monday she was arrested and banished to a provincial townlet for supplying false information to a foreign correspondent. Needless to say, one did not need a countess to tell one that Germany would sign in its collapsed condition. [I] In the German project all signatories of the Hague Convention as well as the new States arisen since the war were admitted. Instead of all authority being assigned to an Executive Council of nine in which the victorious Great Powers reserved themselves a majority of five, the remaining four being elected by smaller States, the German project had the Executive Council elected by a Congress of States, corresponding to the Assembly of Delegates in the Paris project. It also provided a World Parliament of parliamentary delegations. The German project is also more drastic in its provisions for mediation, arbitration, and protection of minorities. It approaches the functions of the League for international social legislation in a much more liberal and constructive spirit.