The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
History
The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Politics and government
The king who presided over these assemblies was not a ruler in the
Teutonic military sense. Ireland was free from two sources of military
rule—the danger of conquest, and the fear of any attempt to force on the
people a new and alien law. Protected by distance and the ocean, the
island was long secured from foreign conquest: nor did the Irish need a
central military power to enforce a native code which was already strong
in the allegiance of the people. In this situation of comparative security
the natural aim of the Irish was to preserve their local freedom. They
objected, as the English after them have done, to military establishments
and to compulsory service as systems which were a danger to liberty—and
“liberty,” as the English officials complained, “was the only thing that
Scots and Irish constantly contended for.” Herdsmen and ploughmen who
carried on the business of the country refused to serve as soldiers for
more than a few weeks in the year, and that only after sowing and reaping
was done, and the cattle driven to pasture. Ireland was not in fact a
military country. The dangers to peace lay mainly in the Gaelic law of
succession to kingship and chieftainship, according to which the best man
of the ruling kindred was elected by the freemen. Such a system provided
frequent occasions of fighting—in rivalries of candidates and revolts of
ambitious aspirants to power, all too ready to look for outside support,
no matter where, from a neighbouring chief, a Norman baron, or an English
deputy. From such variety of petty conflicts the feudal law of
primogeniture saved other countries to some extent, though, as we know,
that too was very far from insuring peace or harmony at all times.
Ireland no doubt suffered under this very conservative system of election,
come down from the honoured past. The evils, however, were not incurable
in a country left to itself. An attempt was already made to lessen them by
the custom of electing along with the chief a Tanist or successor; and we
can trace in Ireland also the growing custom of inheritance from father to
son. The way of natural development was closed, not by the incompetence of
the Irish, but by foreign enemies, who were careful to aggravate the
mischief. It was the Danish wars and their results, and far more the wars
of the English lord deputies, which made the very life of the tribe depend
on military leadership and on that alone. The danger of local strife among
independent states was in like manner exaggerated beyond measure when the
deputies adopted the ferocious policy of advancing the English conquest by
isolating the territories, and forcing them, on one plea or another, into
civil war with their neighbours. Every territory had to maintain a retinue
of soldiers out of all proportion to the normal state. Natural conditions
were overturned, and statesmen then as now crippled the communities they
governed with preparations for war in the interests of peace.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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