his motion meant only the honour of the Queen _and_ the common benefit of the Realm (going back in these words to the first repeal of 1536); but they feared that the like liberty might be abused by other governors, and therefore enacted that none other should ever use the liberty of Sydney, and that no Bill should ever be certified into England for repealing or suspending of Poynings’ Act unless it was first agreed on in a Session of Parliament in Ireland, by the greater number of the Lords and the greater number of the Common House, that is by both Houses carrying the Bill by a separate vote. The Parliament of 1569, distinguished by a high order of public spirit and legal ability, was driven to its fatal close in a general war against those “that banish Ireland and mean conquest,” a striking phrase of Anglo-Irish patriots. A new “Repeal of Poynings’ Act” was demanded of the Parliament in 1585. The reason was again the same—for the more convenient passing of Acts to deprive the people of Ireland of their land and their religion; Elizabeth mainly anxious about her property in land, and the deputy about religious uniformity. There was a Bill to extend to Ireland all the English laws against Popish recusants, and demand the Oath of Supremacy as a test of the fidelity of Parliament: an Act for the attainder of Baltinglas; another for the attainder of Desmond, and a hundred and sixty more “traitors,” and for the confiscation of Munster; one to limit the landowners’ old-established rights of conveyancing of land as “likely to tend to disinherit the Queen’s Majesty.” Such Acts could never be passed under the formalities of Poynings’ Law.