The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
History
The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Politics and government
Notwithstanding these plain declarations Mr. Redmond, having accepted the
Councils Bill in the House of Commons, moved its rejection at the National
Convention and endeavoured to justify his action at the expense of
devolutionists by protesting “that the responsibility for this Bill
largely rests upon those who first encouraged this idea of devolution”—a
protest in which Mr. T. P. O’Connor joined him. The truth is that in their
Councils Bill the Government went in principle as far as they could under
the circumstances. The idea that they, or the Irish Reform Association in
general, and I myself in particular, were actuated by a desire to shelve
Home Rule by substituting a measure of administrative reform, is
pre-eminently absurd. The tactics pursued by the Nationalist party towards
the Irish Reform Association and the Government were most unwise. The
Association would, had it received the support it deserved, have certainly
organised and rendered articulate a body of moderate opinion strong enough
to neutralise any immoderate demonstration against the principle of Home
Rule on religious, racial, or social grounds. Had the Councils Bill been
amended and accepted by Ireland, and, as is probable, had it been passed
into law, Ireland would have had an opportunity, which she would have
availed herself of, of proving her aptitude to manage her own affairs, and
she would be now in a position of inestimable advantage to her. But
neither I nor the Reform Association considered the Bill as satisfying
Ireland’s reasonable demands. We looked upon it as valuable in itself _pro
tanto_ and as the honest effort of a Government with self-imposed limits
to do justice to Ireland. The Association having considered the matter,
passed and published a series of resolutions which space forbids me from
quoting in full. To summarise, we criticised the limited transfer of
departmental authority, and considered the financial proposals of the Bill
insufficient. We regretted “that the Bill entirely excludes consideration
of any powers of a legislative character.” But, as we thought the Bill
constituted an advance towards necessary reforms and was capable of
amendment in Committee, we expressed our regret at its summary rejection
by the National Convention.
Such is the story of the devolution movement in its modern expression.
Devolution is an elastic though not a vague term. As I have already said,
it is incompatible with repeal of the Union. It predicates a union of some
sort—connection with a superior delegating authority, but under that union
and subject to that authority its powers of expansion are unlimited. If I
may be allowed to quote from myself, an evil habit, I thus defined my
position in 1907. I then declared it was:
“... my ambition to see:—
“(1) Cordial, honest co-operation among Irishmen for their
country’s good. A true, living sense of Irish nationality is
necessary. Ireland united can accomplish anything in reason.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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