The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
History
The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Politics and government
From my classification of the “State” Acts according to countries, I have
omitted the twenty-one Acts which apply solely to the Channel Islands and
the Isle of Man, one Scottish and Irish Act, and one Welsh Act; and, as to
Wales, I may take the opportunity to say that I do not prejudge its claim
to separate treatment in any measure of Home Rule all round, but that I
shall not specifically mention Wales in this paper, partly in order to
avoid the repeated enumeration of the four countries in the place of
England, Scotland and Ireland, partly because the claim of the
Principality, so far as it may be based on laws and administration that
are distinct from those of England, is exceedingly weak. Education,
however, is already separately administered, separate Insurance
Commissioners have been appointed for Wales, and an important Welsh
Intermediate Education Act was passed in 1889, just before the period that
is covered by the following table.
“State” ACTS, 1891-1910.
England. Scotland. Ireland. Great England Total.
Britain. and
Ireland.
1891-1900 140 74 72 17 21 324
1901-1910 78 37 57 14 9 195
Total 218 111 129 31 30 519
The above table shows, so far as mere numbers are concerned, how far the
pressure upon the Parliament of the United Kingdom would be removed if it
were relieved of the responsibility for English, Scottish and Irish
legislation, respectively; and, in view of the relative population of the
three countries, we cannot be surprised at the conclusion to be drawn from
the figures that the main cause of the legislative congestion lies in the
fact that the laws relating exclusively to England and those applying to
the United Kingdom as a whole, have to be passed by one and the same
Parliament. We should, then, seek for some form of delegation which would
remove English and Scottish, as well as Irish legislation, from the
purview of the existing Parliament; but, in the meanwhile, the figures
show that the removal of the Irish business would relieve matters
appreciably, and it is probable, without counting the Home Rule Bills,
which should not be regarded as exclusively Irish measures, that the Irish
legislative proposals take more of the time of the House of Commons than
would be represented by the proportion which they bear to the total
legislative output.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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