India -- Description and travel; India -- Politics and government -- 1765-1947
All advocates of the Partition, from Sir Harvey Adamson downwards,
have continually sneered at the Bengali objection to having their
country cut in half as “sentimental.”[39] By “sentimental” I find
that this sort of people always understand an emotion that does not
bring in sixpence. For instance, if we love our country because of
her reputation for justice and freedom, they call us hysterical
sentimentalists; but if we love our country because trade follows
the flag, they call us sound supporters of the Empire. In accordance
with this despicable standard, we may say that the chief objection
to the Partition is one of sentiment. It is none the less strong on
that account. It is the same kind of sentiment as would set Scotland
ablaze with indignation if an English Prime Minister drew a jagged
line from Thurso to Dumfries, and announced that in future Scotland
would consist of two separate provinces, with one government in
Edinburgh and the other in Glasgow, and no connection between them.
A Scotsman’s chief objection might be described as “sentimental”
by people of Sir Harvey Adamson’s mind, but I think “unrest” would
hardly be the word for what would follow.
Yet that is exactly what England has allowed to be done in Bengal.
The root of the indignation is a sentiment—an emotion that does
not bring in sixpence. It is the sentiment of a patriotic and
progressive race cut in two by an action which they believe to have
been arbitrary and suggested by pique. And just because it is a
sentiment, no material advantage or convenience of administration
can ever serve as compensation for the wrong. But even if outraged
national feeling could be set aside as a sentimental complaint,
the other grievances are strong. Calcutta is justly claimed by all
Bengalis for their own capital, as well as the capital of India. It
is the centre of their culture and trade, of justice and government.
It has the best Indian newspapers; it is the home of the best social
intercourse; its University sets the standard of knowledge; its High
Court is regarded with confidence by all Indians as a sure appeal
against injustice. To be separated from Calcutta and compelled to
look to poor, ruinous, decrepit old Dacca as their capital is for
Bengalis an intellectual and material loss. Dacca was a good enough
Mohammedan capital three centuries ago, but now it is difficult to
get at; its river, as I said, is silting up; it has not a single
newspaper worthy of the name; it has no University, no High Court,
and its new Lieutenant-Governor lives for months together far away
at Shillong, almost inaccessible in the hills. It is true that
Government has bought a lot of land north of the town and has laid
out foundations for residences and offices where future officials can
enjoy themselves in comfort. The existence of those foundations is a
common argument against reversing the Partition even among the many
officials who recognized its error. But to the Bengalis it only makes
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