India -- Description and travel; India -- Politics and government -- 1765-1947
Dr. Lefroy, the Bishop of Lahore, who for a quarter of a century
has striven with constancy and some success to restore the higher
tradition of our race, has said that, but for railways, all might
be well. And it is quite true that the commonest and most flagrant
instances of Anglo-Indian vulgarity are to be found in trains. But
that is chiefly because it is most often in trains that the two races
meet on terms of nominal equality. On almost every railway journey
one sees instances of ill-manners that would appear too outrageous
for belief at home. But it is the same throughout. In hotels,
clubs, bungalows, and official chambers, the people of the country,
and especially the educated classes, are treated with an habitual
contumely more exasperating than savage persecution. I gladly admit
that in every part of India I found Englishmen who still retained the
courtesy and sensitiveness of ordinary good manners. But one’s mere
delight in finding them proved their rarity. Anglo-Indians tell us
constantly that our first thought must be to maintain our national
prestige, and if arrogance will do it, our prestige is safe. But when
I watched the Anglo-Indian behaviour towards Indians themselves, I
often wondered whether prestige is really to be secured by manners
such as we should hardly find among “bounders” at home. For myself,
I should have thought Lord Morley was right when he said that “bad
manners, overbearing manners, are very disagreeable in all countries,
but India is the only country where bad and overbearing manners are a
political crime.”[31]
Unhappily, the justice of Indian complaints on this subject was not
new to me, when I came to Madras. Every one finds proofs of it from
the moment of landing in Bombay, and, in fact, even on board ship.
The social estrangement between the two races rapidly increases
after Port Said is left. But in Madras I found another cause of deep
dissatisfaction. In spite of all I had heard about injustice in
particular cases, in spite of the old demand for police reform and
the separation of the judicial and executive functions now combined
in the District Magistrate, it was disconcerting to discover a
prevailing and uneasy suspicion that British justice could not safely
be trusted. Certainly, much disquietude had recently been roused
by a few special instances, at Rawal Pindi, Lahore, and elsewhere.
“Killing no murder, outrage no crime, when Indians are concerned and
Englishmen the culprits”: that was the common conclusion, and it was
not unnatural.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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