India -- Description and travel; India -- Politics and government -- 1765-1947
It was the same with the landless labourers who worked under the
ryots for wages. It was the same with the village blind, the village
idiots, and the lepers. No one could afford to employ labour now or
to give alms. In one village a labourer had scooped a little hole in
the ground, and fitted a plantain leaf neatly into it as a bowl for
gifts. But charity was as dry as the heavens, and no alms fell. I saw
the plantain leaf still vainly appealing, but the man had died of
hunger. In another village they were carrying a body to the fire, and
they laid the poor, naked thing down for me to see. It was a woman’s
body, a labourer’s sister, shrivelled and spiky with hunger, like the
skeleton of a starved cat found under the slates. In defence of her
brother, the labourer himself, I must say that he was dying of hunger
too.
The village houses in this part of Orissa, as in most parts of
India, are built of mud plastered on to a bamboo framework, with
wooden doorposts and rafters. They are thatched with rice straw or
palm branches. At the first rush of the flood, the houses dissolved
like children’s castles in the tide, and I saw flat and bare plots
of land where they had stood. Even the houses that had escaped the
water were almost as bare, for the people had been obliged to sell
the scanty stock of furniture that Hindu villagers possess—brass pots
and plates, a corn bin, cooking vessels, and perhaps a bed—in order
to pay the rent which the zemindars or landlords continued to exact,
though I was told the officials had ordered a suspension.
The native official “tahsildars,” acting as village tax-collectors,
had also compelled them to sell everything they had, even to their
wooden doorposts, as I said, for paying the “chaukidari” tax (or
“tikut,” as they call it) which supports the village police. It is
a small tax, paid quarterly, and running from a halfpenny up to
1_s._ 4_d._ a month per house, but the police pay used formerly to
be raised from special plots of land set apart in each village for
the purpose, and the imposition of a hut-tax for the purpose ten
years ago had always been regarded as a grievance. Nor does it matter
whether a tax is great or small when you have to sell the family
plate, valued at eighteenpence, to pay it. Just before my journey
through the country, this tax had also been officially remitted,
but it was collected up to a day or two previously, and was always
mentioned by the people as one of their most irritating grievances.
No one loves a tax-collector, but in time of famine there is
something particularly galling in selling one’s property to feed the
police for preserving it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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