An analysis of these Swadeshist arguments, however, reveals them as
inadequate to account for India's ills, which are due far more to the
general economic trend of the times than to any specific defects of the
British connection. British governance and British capital do cost
money, but their undoubted efficiency in producing peace, order,
security, and development must be considered as offsets to the higher
costs which native rule and native capital would impose. As Sir Theodore
Morison well says: "The advantages which the British Navy and British
credit confer on India are a liberal offset to her expenditure on
pensions and gratuities to her English servants.... India derives a
pecuniary advantage from her connection with the British Empire. The
answer, then, which I give to the question 'What economic equivalent
does India get for foreign payments?' is this: India gets the equipment
of modern industry, and she gets an administration favourable to
economic evolution cheaper than she could provide it herself."[233] A
comparison with Japan's much more costly defence budgets, inferior
credit, and higher interest charges on both public and private loans is
enlightening on this point.
In fact, some Indians themselves admit the fallacy of Swadeshist
arguments. As one of them remarks: "The so-called economic 'drain' is
nonsense. Most of the misery of late years is due to the rising cost of
living--a world-wide phenomenon." And in proof of this he cites
conditions in other Oriental countries, especially Japan.[234] As warm a
friend of the Indian people as the British labour leader, Ramsay
Macdonald, states: "One thing is quite evident, a tariff will not
re-establish the old hand-industry of India nor help to revive village
handicrafts. Factory and machine production, native to India itself,
will throttle them as effectively as that of Lancashire and Birmingham
has done in the past."[235]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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