The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915: What Americans Say to EuropeVarious
Philosophy
The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915: What Americans Say to Europe
Various
World War, 1914-1918
This, we are told, is not to be taken literally--all is symbolism and
has a meaning other than the more direct one. But the fact remains, as
can be testified by the present writer from three years' residence as a
university student in Germany, that the rank and file as well as the
aristocracy--from laborers and small shopkeepers, petty officials, and
students to Judges of the Supreme Court and university professors who
have become "secret councilors" (Geheimrat)--not only in Berlin and Bonn
but in Munich and Heidelberg, all have become ominously full of the
doctrine of the survival of the fittest and the consequent expediency of
power, not only in intellectual rivalry but in Krupps and high
explosives.
The Nietzsche fire may, perhaps, serve a purpose on the hearthstone of
our inmost life if it be to rescue us from complacency and secure
inanity, but in the form of electrically connected lyddite stores and
gasoline bombs it drives those who believe in a supernation to a
literal interpretation of the above widely popular philosophy. And, as
demonstrated at Louvain and Rheims, it goes far to obliterate the
memorials of a past which Nietzsche thought so contemptible a check upon
the prowess of the "blonde Bestie" as he progressed toward--toward the
superman.
It was wide of the mark, therefore, to attribute that which bears the
stamp "made in Germany" to England. Bernhardi and the Crown Prince with
their thousands of officers and the multitudes in the ranks to whom
Nietzsche has become an inspiring motive are not to be construed as
English surely. Nor does the English "culture," so far as the present
writer is informed, contain a superman, unless it be Bernard Shaw!
English people have to import "beyond good and evil" philosophy, and as
historians of thought Profs. Eucken and Haeckel must know that it has
never had a foothold there. Had it been "brutal national egoism, knowing
no rights of others," which motivated Britain, she would not now have
gone to war--in order that she might profit finally by the inevitable
exhaustion of the Continent. And having taken the clear stand she has,
what but good-will and the consciousness of a just cause brought support
and sacrifice from the hands and lives of her grateful peoples all over
the earth? Would brutality have done it? The same question might be
asked concerning France's empire from which she derives chiefly the
consciousness of an extending civilization.
The Claims of German Culture.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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