The North-Americans of yesterday : $b a comparative study of North-American Indian life, customs, and products, on the theory of the ethnic unity of the raceDellenbaugh, Frederick Samuel
History
The North-Americans of yesterday : $b a comparative study of North-American Indian life, customs, and products, on the theory of the ethnic unity of the race
Dellenbaugh, Frederick Samuel
Indians of Mexico; Indians of North America
Mississippi valley are evidences of another similar culture group,
probably also of diverse stocks because some of them were allied to,
or were part of, the stocks found there when the whites came. The same
general conditions prevailed farther east, and a centre of development
was rapidly forming in New York when it was destroyed by our coming.
One of the most widespread stocks, the Shoshonean or Uto-Aztecan, is
composite, containing within it tribes of the highest culture and
tribes of the least culture, tribes that were peaceful and tribes that
were warlike. It is evident then that _culture was no evidence of
relationship_ or the reverse among the Amerind people. By some powerful
influence and long association they had, whatever their origin, been
moulded into one race. “Where had they come from?” “How did they come
to be so much alike?” “Why did their highest development take place
down by the Isthmus instead of by the Great Lakes or in the fertile
valley of the Mississippi?” These are pertinent questions. Attempts
have been made to answer them by importing different people from
different parts of the world and their recent culture with them. But
the more the Amerinds are studied, the more homogeneous do we find them
and the more isolated from Old-World influences. Culture, as mentioned,
was not confined to one stock; it permeated through unrelated stocks.
The languages too are totally different from all others. Thus the more
the matter is investigated, the more closely are we confined to the
Western Hemisphere for the origin of the Amerind people, _as we know
them_. Toward Panama, that is below the City of Mexico, a kind of
civilisation was attained, and there we find was the densest population
on the continent. Culture never develops in a game country with a
sparse population, and there is, therefore, an intimate connection
between a crowded population and “culture” or “civilisation.” It
may be broadly asserted, I think, that _civilisation is crowding_;
it is man’s effort at self-preservation. Where the game-supply is
exhausted or insufficient and subsistence must be wholly or largely
wrested from the soil, there will be found the culture centres, the
hothouses of art and science, from which a filtration occurs into all
the contiguous regions and peoples. On this continent the chief centre
of culture was the narrowest part; the population was packed there
as in the narrow end of a funnel, leaving the whole broad top thinly
peopled. The question immediately arises: “Why was this so?” It is
evident at a glance that there was some preponderating, irresistible
influence which compelled the inhabitants to draw into these narrow,
restricted regions, there to act and react one tribe on another,
and this influence was constantly at work moulding them all. If the
continent had been peopled within any comparatively recent time, it is
not reasonable to suppose that the tribes would willingly have huddled
together far down in the most limited area.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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