Mr. Dunlop meets with a direct negative my statement that Sussex and
Sidney carried off in their train every notable chief’s son they could
lay hands on, but he gives no more than his own authority. My statement
is perhaps too comprehensive, but I have given numerous instances (pp.
425-437) to show that the method certainly used by Sussex and Sidney,
so far as they could, was steadily increased and extended in proportion
as the English power gradually spread over one Irish region after
another. The English took over the Irish system of hostages, but they
developed it in a new way. The Catholic chief’s son was brought up in
London as a Protestant, in English law and language and tradition, with
the avowed purpose of spiritually severing him from his people, and
leaving the clan without a natural leader or defender in the national
conflict; their chiefs, in fact, were to be made the very instruments
for dividing and subjugating their own people. In the words I quoted,
it was a method which “not only rent asunder the bonds of national
loyalty and of natural affection, but which forced parent and child
alike to believe that in this world and in the world to come they
were divided by an impassable abyss.” Surely there is no likeness in
this deliberate plan to the Irish chief’s use of his hostage; it was,
indeed, practised with consummate art by Turkey.
In this article Mr. Dunlop proposed to prove two facts: first, that
Celtic civilisation is largely a figment of my imagination; and,
secondly, that far from composing one nation, the English element
in Ireland was proud of its origin, and struggled incessantly to
preserve itself intact from Celtic influence. One part of his plan is
destructive, and the second constructive. Unfortunately the work of
destruction has proved so alluring that the constructive scheme is
abandoned. As to the value of the destructive work, I contend that Mr.
Dunlop’s criticisms are not so historically accurate, so reasonable,
or so candid, that they can serve for correction or instruction. I
contend further that even on the generous assumption that the whole of
Mr. Dunlop’s criticisms might happen to be valid, there would still
remain untouched the main body of my evidence and the whole current of
my argument. And I confidently believe that the history of Ireland will
be re-written on truer lines and surer foundations than those sketched
out in the _Cambridge Modern History_ and the _Quarterly Review_. But
perhaps Mr. Dunlop will go farther. It would be pleasant to hear, in
more detail, his views on “the Iberian element in the nation.”
End of Project Gutenberg's The Old Irish World, by Alice Stopford Green
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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