tomber sous les coups des parents de la victime. Il s'agit là plutôt d'un acte de justice que d'une satisfaction de vengeance. Nous devons faire remarquer en outre que, dans ces cas, le meurtrier est abandonné de tous, et qu'il ne peut se soustraire que pendant un temps {177} relativement assez court au châtiment qui le menace."[72] Amongst the Central Eskimo, who have "no punishment for transgressors except the blood vengeance," a man has committed a murder or made himself odious by other outrages, "he may be killed by any one simply as a matter of justice. The man who intends to take revenge on him must ask his countrymen singly if each agrees in the opinion that the offender is a bad man deserving death. If all answer in the affirmative he may kill the man thus condemned, and no one is allowed to revenge the murder."[73] Among the Greenlanders, in cases of extreme atrocity, the men of a village have been known to make common cause against a murderer, and kill him, though it otherwise is the business of the nearest relatives to take revenge.[74] It is also noteworthy that, among the crimes which in savage communities are punished by the community at large, incest is particularly prominent. The chief reason for this I take to be the absence of an individual naturally designated as the avenger. [Footnote 71: Fison and Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 282.] [Footnote 72: Hyades and Deniker, _Mission scientifique du Cap Horn_, vii. 240 _sq._] [Footnote 73: Boas, 'Central Eskimo,' in _Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn._ vi. 582.] [Footnote 74: Nansen, _Eskimo Life_, p. 163.] Thus public indignation displays itself not only in punishment, but, to a certain extent, in the custom of revenge. In both cases the society desires that the offender shall suffer for his deed. Strictly speaking, the relationship between the custom of revenge and punishment is not, as has been often supposed, that between parent and child. It is a collateral relationship. They have a common ancestor, the feeling of public resentment.