The peace negotiations between the governments of the South African Republic and the Orange Free State, and the representatives of the British government, which terminated in the peace concluded at Vereeniging on the 31st May, 1902Kestell, J. D. (John Daniel)
History
The peace negotiations between the governments of the South African Republic and the Orange Free State, and the representatives of the British government, which terminated in the peace concluded at Vereeniging on the 31st May, 1902
Kestell, J. D. (John Daniel)
South Africa -- History; South African War, 1899-1902
In the beginning of the war I hoped and believed that the other
European Powers would not allow one Power to become master of the
Goldfields. But we cherished a false hope. In the letters received
from our Deputation last year they wrote us, that we should not hope
for intervention, because there was for the time being no prospect of
it. From the correspondence between the British and Netherlands
Governments it appears that our Deputation was accredited only to the
Netherlands Government, and therefore that Government alone was in a
position to take upon itself to procure the termination of the war.
The Deputation was accredited by both Republics to all the European
Powers. It appears, however, that only to the Netherlands Government
did they hand in their credentials. This fact has a particularly great
significance for me. It proves that they were advised not to present
their credentials to other Powers. We know that the Deputation would
have left no stone unturned to help us, but after they have been in
Europe for two years they had had to inform us that they had obtained
no help for us, and further, that they could hold out no prospect of
help. We must therefore cherish no hope whatever of help from Europe.
And it is apparent that if no nation came to our assistance when the
enemy introduced a new principle into warfare, namely, to remove women
and children by force, crowd them in camps, and let them die in
thousands, then we need not ever expect any help from other nations.
Their inaction makes me think that they do not care what becomes of
us, even though we all die. They ought to have known that if the
British were tacitly allowed to introduce such a new principle into
warfare, that principle would establish a precedent. We have only the
sympathy of the European Powers, and that sympathy threatens to
smother us, and there the matter remains.
I now come to another matter which lies very near to the heart of each
one of us, namely, our families. If this meeting should decide to
continue the war, then some provision or other must be made for them.
We shall have to decide what to do with them. When I think over this
matter my mind is at a standstill. Their condition is most pitiable,
and they are exposed to all kinds of danger. I have lately tried to
send them in to the British, but without success, because the British
would not receive them. The position has now become such that I am
beginning to think that the fathers of these families must accompany
them into the British lines, because then the enemy receives them. But
even this suggestion offers a great difficulty, namely this, that we
have with us many wives of prisoners-of-war, and what can we do with
them? Where could we find men to "hands up" with them? These families
are in a terrible condition, and something must be done for them.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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