The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
When he was a Socialist Leader he was struck by the immorality of women
and by the cowardice of men. These would lay traps in which other
people might lose their lives, as when they unscrewed the rails of
the railway in the province of Forli, but they would not risk their
own lives. Being at that time, a most orthodox Socialist he could
not think: “let us stop this demoralising propaganda.” He believed
that it would be all right in the end, when the end, with a capital
E, should have come for this capitalist society based as it was on
selfishness. He wanted a religion, and having then a mentality quite
anti-historical, he really believed that he could give them a new
religion if he could but find it. For this would make them realise,
so he thought, that they did not count in themselves but only through
their relations to others; and that to realise their better self, they
must always look at the whole, which is nothing so long as single
men are not conscious of belonging to it, but without which they can
do nothing to assert their claims as rights and out of which indeed
no claim of theirs can really be a right. Obviously, this is man
transcending his own self to assert it through the very negation of its
empirical nature.
It is impossible to insist too much on this point for the new
conception of life that was reaching speculative expression in the
works of Gentile was here, in this intuitive mind of quite a young
man, who knew nothing of Gentilian theories, working its way towards
practical realisation. Before the way in which he was to proceed from
this to the economic theories that _may_ rid the western world of
strikes and lock-outs one fact must be put in evidence. From what has
been said above, it is clear that his appreciation of the strength of
any collectivity must be based on the degree of consciousness with
which the single members realise such collectivity. He had at first
not made out the import and the consequences of such a view. But the
necessity of pleading his own cause, when he was tried in 1911 by the
Tribunal of Forli, for having ordered a strike of protest against the
Tripoli war, put on his lips a declaration that must be taken into
consideration whenever Mussolini’s “Imperialism” is in question. In
the records of the tribunal he is stated to have pleaded his case,
saying that he did not love his country less than the Nationalists
did; the difference was between his idea of a country’s greatness
and theirs. He thought that such greatness depended far more on the
spiritual and economic level reached by the people of a country, than
on its territorial extension, the number of its inhabitants, or the
importance of its colonies. To argue that he has changed his mind on
this as on other points would not be consistent with facts. Since his
advent to power the efficiency of the army and navy has been brought to
a higher standard, but their effective numbers have not been increased
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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