The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
Perhaps nothing is more expressive of the life of the mind than
this temporary intellectual dearth and sterility of a race whose
faculties were, even then, far above the average. Reduced to political
non-existence and therefore to speculative unproductiveness, the whole
country seemed to have gone to pieces just on purpose to let the new
nations shake off the yoke of history, of a history too heavy with
its pagan heritance to allow full play to the new forces of modern,
that is to say Christian, civilisation. For modern thought and modern
politics seemed to reject authority and history, in order to have the
possibility of displaying what they held virtually in their mediæval
and Christian youth. They rid themselves of the past just as the
Church had done at her start, throwing overboard Pagan culture. But
is it not allowable to think that just as the Church ceased to be
anti-philosophical as soon as it had asserted its original intuition,
modern nations will cease to be anti-historic now that the value of
man as a man has been asserted, and has even been over-asserted? For
if such were the case then Italy’s standing out of the game, in order
to elaborate slowly the historical forces that may contribute to give
back to the world the ballast it seems to have lost, would appear to
be in harmony with the developing process of Mind. Nations have their
dawn, their twilight, and their night, but Mind never rests or sleeps,
and through their individual characteristics all the races tell more
or less directly on the whole life of mankind. If Italy had to stand
aside to let England and France assert the individual worth of the
most inferior human beings, and work up systems where the weakest may
be heard in legal circles, then her attitude all through the sixteenth
century is that of a boxer training for his next match. To rid politics
and law of the idea that legitimised all authority by appeal to the
Will of God (as it was commonly understood to be a kind of _Deux ex
Machina_) something had to be appealed to that could be considered as a
religious support on the modern side. Nature was upheld as antagonistic
to superior authority and religious interference. Yet Nature, at least
to the men of the seventeenth century, was the work of God, and if
mankind was endowed with a longing, or beset with a necessity for
society, surely the Creator of mankind was responsible for it. The fact
is that it was not of the will of God that the jurists and philosophers
wanted to be rid, for they could have found cogent arguments to uphold
the thesis, so dear a century later to Rousseau, that God had created
man free, and that he was therefore at liberty to choose the political
constitution that suited him best—conforming by so doing to the Will
of God: it was the authority of men, the authority of tradition, which
taught that it had always been the natural lot of some men to obey,
and the natural lot of others to command; and that is far more Pagan
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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