The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
The variety of the grounds which were ascribed to morality is
sufficient to betray the original flaw of such philosophy. Even Lord
Shaftesbury had been unfaithful to Locke, mainly owing to his own
strong sense of the æsthetic, but also owing to the unsuitability of
the great philosopher’s doctrine, as it was understood then, as a basis
for a theory of ethics. Thus Utilitarianism came into being. “The best
for the greatest number,” was to remain as the ideal or ideology of
Illuminism; and the best in question became more and more the material
best, and less and less the moral best. After the natural sense of
sociability which had taken the place of the will of God at the basis
of the state, after the natural sense of right and wrong which had been
elaborated as a substitute for the Decalogue, very little was left
of the _tabula rasa_ idea of man’s soul upheld by Locke. All these
natural senses were anterior to experience and when natural religion
was added to them it was understood that all these innate faculties
were constitutive of rationalness in practical life; and Nature was
gradually opposed to history as rational to irrational.
This natural religiousness had had its first English assertor in
Herbert of Cherbury. To him man’s soul is far from being _tabula rasa_;
it is a book that opens naturally and displays its hidden treasure.
And John Toland, in his efforts to retrieve free thinking from the
interference of the State, determines the limitation of the state’s
jurisdiction, to which the citizen’s _actions_ must be subject but
never his _opinions_; whilst he limited his request for tolerance for
the benefit of that class of men whose social position enabled them to
afford a sufficient culture to make a harmless use of such liberty.
Then the negativeness of any liberal government was obvious, since in
Toland’s notion of it it became like a simple set of brakes destined to
act when the machine goes wrong and to keep the serene impossibility of
an impeccable butler until order and peace are actually broken. Thus
again the radical difference between educated and uneducated which had
been fostered by the cultural movement of Humanism and Renaissance,
assumed a religious and political significance which made the new idea
of class a greater impediment to the self-making man than that of the
feudal hierarchy which had always admitted the admission to knighthood
of a valorous man whatever his condition. This cautious exclusion of
the people from the new intellectual religion was a condemnation; the
rational cult proved an artificial theory and could have no vitality.
Yet it would be a perversion of facts to present it as due to the
personal feeling of Toland or any other man. It was the consequence
both of the predominance of Rational Reality in the systems then in
honour, and of the traditional Humanism according to which there was
the same difference between a scholar and a non-scholar as there had
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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