The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
History
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
Demarcation line of Alexander VI; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Philippines -- History -- Sources
[94] "In Manila the indignation against the disloyal Ali-Mudin knew
no bounds. All clamored for the punishment of so ignoble a race,
sorrowfully recalling the fact that the amount expended in courting
him and in the expenses of his sojourn there was more than 20,000
pesos, without counting the 6,000 pesos and the military supplies
sent to establish the Jesuits in Joló" (ut supra, p. 299). Later,
the authorities at Manila hardly knew what to do with Alimudin; he
would probably have been put to death, but it was feared that the
Moros would retaliate by slaughtering their Christian captives, who
numbered some 10,000. Fatima procured the return (in the summer of
1753) of fifty-one Christian captives, and negotiations were made for
peace between Manila and Joló; and in June, 1754, Bantilan surrendered
sixty-eight more captives, and a Spanish galley and champan. Faveau,
who had carried on a brilliant campaign against the pirates with his
little squadron, made a favorable report to the governor of the good
intentions of both Bantilan and Alimudin; and stated that the return
of the latter to Joló was desired by his subjects, and that Bantilan
was willing to resign in his favor. Arandía sent most of the Joloan
prisoners back to that island, retaining the sultan and his eldest
son as hostages until the full accomplishment of the treaty; they
remained there until the capture of the city by the English (1762),
who afterward restored them to Joló (see VOL. XLIX). Ferrando (iv,
pp. 541-543) considers that Alimudin was unjustly suspected and
ill-treated, and defends him from accusations of disloyalty to the
Spaniards and to the Christian religion.
[95] "The Sultanship in Sooloo is hereditary, but the government
mixed. About fifteen Datoos, who may be called the nobility, make
the greater part of the legislature. Their title is hereditary
to the eldest son, and they sit in council with the Sultan. The
Sultan has two votes in this assembly, and each Datoo has one. The
heir-apparent (who, when I was there, was Datoo Alamoodine) if he
sides with the Sultan, has two votes; but, if against him, only
one. There are two representatives of the people, called Manteries,
like the military tribunes of the Romans. The common people of Sooloo,
called Tellimanhood, enjoy much real freedom, owing to the above
representation; but the Tellimanhood, or vassals of the adjacent
islands named Tappool, Seassee, Tawee-tawee, and others, being the
estates of particular Datoos, are often used in a tyrannical manner
by their chiefs. I have been told that their haughty lords visiting
their estates, will sometimes with impunity demand and carry off young
women, whom they happen to fancy, to swell the number of their Sandles
(Concubines) at Sooloo." (Forrest, Voyage, p. 326.)
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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