The Philosophical Theory of the StateBosanquet, Bernard
Philosophy
The Philosophical Theory of the State
Bosanquet, Bernard
Political science -- Philosophy; State, The -- Philosophy
[1] On this question _vide_ Green’s very thorough discussion. It is
true, of course, that the law takes account of intention, and does
not, _e.g._, treat accidental homicide as murder, the difference
between them being a difference of intention. But it is obvious that,
in attempting to influence human action at all, so much account
as this must be taken of intention; for intention is necessary to
constitute a human action. An unintentional movement of the muscles
cannot be guarded against by laws and penalties; it is only through
the intention that deterrent or other motives can get at the action,
and a constant law-abiding disposition is the best security for
law-abiding action. On the importance of intention and disposition as
affording a certainty of action, Bentham, who wholly rejects judgment
according to moral motive, is as emphatic as possible.
5. The State, then, in its distinctive capacity, has no agency at its
command for influencing conduct, but such as may be used to produce
an external course of behaviour by the injunction or prohibition of
external acts, in enforcing which acts the State will take note of
intentions, so far as it can infer them, because it is only through
them that its influence can be exerted.
The relation of such a means to the imperative end, on which we have
seen that political obligation depends, must be in a certain sense
negative. The means is one which cannot directly promote the end,
and which even tends to narrow its sphere. What it can effect is to
remove obstacles, to destroy conditions hostile to the realisation
of the end. This brings us back to a principle laid down by Kant,
[1] and in its bare statement strongly resembling Mill’s contention.
When force is opposed to {191} freedom, a force that repels that
force is right. Here, of course, all depends upon what we mean by
freedom, and in what sense we think that force can hinder hindrances
to it. If freedom meant for us the empty hexagon [2] round each
individual, the principle would take us back to Mill’s Liberty. If,
on the other hand, we failed to grasp the discrepancy between force
of any kind and the positive nature of the common good which we take
to be freedom, the principle would lead us straight to a machine-made
Utopia. For its negative character cannot restrain it from some
degree of positive action. It is only through positive operation
that a negation or opposition can find reality in the world. And the
limits of its positive action must depend on the precise bearings of
the negation which it puts in force.
[1] W., ix. 34. Fichte remarked on the pregnancy of this principle.
[2] See p. 72, above.
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