The Philosophical Theory of the StateBosanquet, Bernard
Philosophy
The Philosophical Theory of the State
Bosanquet, Bernard
Political science -- Philosophy; State, The -- Philosophy
Hobbes, for example, insisted that sovereignty must lie in a will,
and that this will must be real and must be taken as representing
or standing for the will of the community. “This is _more than
consent or concord; it is a real unity of them all_ in one and the
same person.” [1] Only, interpreting “real” as implying inherence in
tangible determinate individuals, he in fact _substituted_ the will
(taking the word in its ordinary sense) of a certain individual or
certain individuals _for_ the will of the community or moral person
as such. His temperament was emphatically one of those described by
Rousseau as treating the “_moral_ person” as a fiction. But so far
from abandoning for that reason all idea of actual effective unity,
he replaces the fictitious or abstract unity of the “person” by the
“real unity” of an actual human being or a determinate group of human
beings, to be _taken as_ the unity of the Commonwealth as such. Thus,
for instance, with a logic which is irresistible on the basis which
he adopts, he denies all possibility of other representation of the
people where there is already a sovereign power. For the one and
only representative of the people is for him the {105} sovereign,
on whom the “person” of the community is, by the very fact of his
sovereignty, assumed to be conferred. We may say then, in short, that
Hobbes places the unity of political society in a will, and that, in
his sense, a real or actual will, but emphatically not in a general
will. He inherits the language which enables him to predicate unity
and personality of the state, but in his mouth the terms have not
recovered a true political meaning, and the social right, which they
are intended to account for, remains a mere name.
[1] _Leviathan_, pt. II., ch. xvii. Italics mine.
Locke brings to bear a truer political experience, but a far less
coherent logic. He feels that actual government is a trust, and that
the ultimate supreme power remains in the community as a whole. The
difficulty in his case is to understand how the will or interest of
the community as such obtains determinate expression. Generally,
and apart from particular causes of dissent, it is to be taken as
one with the will of the governing body to which, according to the
constitution, the work of government is given in trust. But the trust
is conditional, and theoretically revocable; the ultimate supreme
power is in the community at large, which may withdraw the trust if
its conditions are violated. Of course, no determinate means of doing
this in a lawful manner is, or can be, suggested, [1] and therefore
the will of the people is not expressed by Locke as a real or actual
will. And so the right, which was to be displayed as social, remains
{106} a latent right in individuals to assent or to dissent, and
society is not represented as a genuine unity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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