The Philosophy of History, Vol. 2 of 2Schlegel, Friedrich von
Philosophy
The Philosophy of History, Vol. 2 of 2
Schlegel, Friedrich von
History; History -- Philosophy
The untimely exaggerations and absolute pretensions of Boniface VIII.,
which, though Papal, may almost be termed _Ghibelline_ (in the
same sense that we have applied that term to the acts of preceding
emperors), must have proved very welcome to Philip the Fair. He found
in the conduct of the Pope, a pretext for enticing him into France, in
order, on the first vacancy in the Holy See, to promote the election
of a Pope favourable to his views, and fix him at Avignon. It was a
deep-laid plan of policy on his part, to fix the residence of the
Popes for ever within his territories, in order more easily to extort
their consent to all his selfish projects, as in the case of the
Templars; a policy by which the Popes, during seventy years, were kept
in a state of absolute dependance on the court of France. And when at
last one of the Popes succeeded in rescuing the chair of Peter from
this Babylonish captivity, and placing it again at Rome, Popes were
elected one against the other at Rome and Avignon; and a schism broke
out in the church which lasted for forty years, till it was finally
quelled by the general council of Constance. A deeper wound could not
have been inflicted on Christianity than this division in the church,
which led minds astray, and introduced an indescribable confusion in
all the relations of public and private life. As, without the
all-protecting and all-connecting authority of the first Christian
Emperors, Europe in general, and Germany in particular, would much
sooner have been split and dismembered, and been deprived of all power
of permanent resistance against foreign aggression, and barbarian
inroads; so, without the Papal power, which was founded on, and
adapted for, unity, and which held together the fabric of the church,
Christianity would very soon have been lost and extinguished in a
multitude of particular sects, petty congregations, and opposite
parties, even where totally dissimilar systems of religion did not
spring up. The maintenance of orthodoxy in the Greek church, where the
Patriarch does not possess the same spiritual power, nor the same
extensive influence on society, as the Pope during the middle ages,
cannot be fairly adduced as an objection to the truth of this
observation. For it would be absurd to expect from the active,
stirring, restless, and animated spirit of the Western nations, moving
on as they did through a series of rapid, incessant, and progressive
changes, that innate monotony of thought even in faith, which was
natural to the dead, torpid Byzantine mind. When the Western church
had been weakened and convulsed by the conflict with the secular
power, the prejudicial and fatal effects of this contest became
apparent in religion itself and the internal region of faith. At
first, indeed, there arose a mighty moral power of resistance against
the growing corruption and the impending evil--a great spiritual
remedy, which sprang out of religion, and was perfectly conformable to
its spirit.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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