The Philosophy of History, Vol. 2 of 2Schlegel, Friedrich von
Philosophy
The Philosophy of History, Vol. 2 of 2
Schlegel, Friedrich von
History; History -- Philosophy
can lead to the declaration of war. But on the contrary, in the former
system it is merely a formidable preponderance of power--a mere
possibility of its abuse--a dread of future danger, which is deemed a
sufficient motive for engaging in hostilities--a motive by which a
state, where this is the exclusive principle of policy, is
undoubtedly, as has often been objected to England, more easily and
more quickly determined, than any other: and such a motive may operate
the more easily in a country like England, where those inducements for
entering into war with more haste than is expedient or desirable, are
strengthened by the fact, that an insular and naval state,
concentrated within itself, can carry on hostilities with all the
advantages of peace, and with the wonted activity of trade. England
during the eighteenth century acquired the highest glory, and in
general made a very beneficial use of her great power, in contributing
to the general aid, security and freedom of Europe; and in what is
here said, it is by no means intended to cast a slur on, or to
undervalue the old and well-acquired power of Great Britain, as such a
censure would be futile in itself, and extremely misplaced here. But
for the right understanding of the peculiar political character and
tendencies of an age, like the eighteenth century, so near to our own
times, it is necessary to observe that the system of the Balance of
Power is either merely the substitute for a higher principle, where
the latter is no longer susceptible of application, or in those cases
where the latter hath really force, the system of the Balance of Power
must be considered a mere supplement--a subordinate auxiliary for the
settlement of incidental questions. But with the great Revolution
which closed the eighteenth century, there commenced an epoch of
intellectual as well as political barbarism and desolation, to which
the mere negative principle of an equilibrium of power, however it
might be adequate to the ordinary relations of civilized states, was
no longer applicable; for now a higher principle of moral and social
reparation was needed. In no department of human activity can the
positive power of evil be overcome by a mere negative principle of
resistance, but solely by a principle of a homogeneous, though loftier
nature--a divine power acting within the same circle. A mighty
religious war, which has shaken all moral existence to its centre, and
convulsed it in all its depths, can be completely terminated only by a
true religious peace. But such a peace depends on the moral force of
principle, and not on the exact measurement of any physical
equilibrium. As during the late frightful Revolution, the political
relations of every state have been changed, and the whole Balance of
Power in Europe been disturbed, no force can now easily alter or
replace what has thus been established. Of this, England herself may
afford us an example. Certainly that great country in Southern
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