'Civil knowledge is conversant about a subject,' he says, 'which is, of all others, _most immersed in matter_, and hardliest reduced to axiom. _Nevertheless_, as Cato, the censor, said, "that the Romans were like sheep, for that a man might better drive a flock of them than one of them, for, in a flock, if you could get SOME FEW to go right, the rest would follow;" _so_ in that respect, MORAL PHILOSOPHY _is more difficult than policy_. Again, moral philosophy propoundeth to itself the framing of _internal_ goodness, but civil knowledge requireth only an _external_ goodness, for that, as to society, sufficeth. Again, States, as great engines, move slowly, _and are not so soon put out of frame_;' (that is what our foreign statist thought also) 'for, as in Egypt the seven good years sustained the seven bad, so governments for a time, well grounded, do bear out errors following. But _the resolution of particular persons_ is _more suddenly subverted. These respects do somewhat qualify the extreme difficulty of civil knowledge_.' This is the point of attack, then,--this is the point of scientific attack,--the resolution of particular persons. He has showed us where the extreme difficulty of this subject appears to lie in his mind, and he has quietly pointed, at the same time, to that place of resistance in the structure of the state, which is the key to the whole position. He has marked the spot exactly where he intends to commence his political operations. For he has discovered a point there, which admits of being operated on, by such engines as a feeble man like him, or a few such together, perhaps, may command. It is the new science that they are going to converge on that point precisely, namely the resolution of particular persons. It is the _novum organum_ that this one is bringing up, in all its finish, for the assault of that particular quarter. Hard as that old wall is, great as the faculty of conservation is in these old structures that hold by time, there is one element running all through it, these chemists find, which _is_ within their power, namely, the resolution of particular persons. It is the science of the conformation of the parts, it is the constitutional structure of the human nature, which, in its scientific development, makes men, naturally, members of communities, beautiful and felicitous parts of states,--it is that which the man of science will _begin_ with. If you will let him have that part of the field to work in undisturbed, he will agree not to meddle with the state. And beside those general reasons, already quoted, which tend to prevent him from urging the immediate application of his science to this 'larger whole,' for its wholesale relief and cure, he ventures upon some specifications and particulars, when he comes to treat distinctly of government itself, and assign to it its place in his new science of affairs. If one were to judge by the space he has openly given it on