But we must not fail to recognize that Hegel does not avail himself of this most exact distinction in his philosophy, for there the dominating motive is respect for the laws and the tendency to attack individual initiative. Hegel repeats many times with complacency the saying of the Pythagorean, that the best way of educating a young man is to make him citizen of a State ruled by good laws; and he remarks that Herculeses belong to primitive and barbarous times, and that individual valour has but a small field in times of culture. He was most averse to criticism of and rebellion against the authority of the State; for these did not seem to him to correspond to the reality of the spirit. That surface is not the reality; at bottom all desire order; and it is necessary to distinguish apparent political sentiment from that which men really will, for within them they will the thing, but hesitate as to particulars, and enjoy the vanity of censuring.[33] Men believe that the State exists and that in it alone are particular interests realized; but habit makes invisible to them that upon which our entire existence depends. There is in short in Hegel, besides the philosopher, a politician and moralist regretful of the excesses of revolutionaries and of unbridled romanticism; and there is also in him the desire for an exact inquiry into the function and limits of positive law.[34] [Sidenote: _Recent doctrines._] In recent times there have been many and very various manifestations connected with the concept of this function and of its limits, and it would occupy much space to enumerate and to illustrate them all. We shall mention three, very distant and different. The first, which belongs to the political and social field, is the doctrine of anarchy and is opposed to laws of all sorts; it is a not purely philosophical doctrine, though it involves philosophical questions.[35] The other two, which more properly belong to the juridical field, are, the assertion of the importance of laws and of the duty of defending their existence, even where their violation by others does not interfere with our individual interests, or when their defence costs individual sacrifices (this was the argument of a vigorous little book by Jhering);[36]--and by way of contrast the demand for a free creation of the law by the judge (_die freie Rechtsfindung,_) which has given rise to discussions that are yet burning, more directly provoked by a little book of Kantorowicz (Gnaeus Flavius).[37] [Sidenote: _Natural rights and their dissolution. The historical school of rights._]