The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu ILinebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
History
The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu I
Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
Sun, Yat-sen, 1866-1925. San min zhu yi
That is not to say that the Dragon Throne was not missed. A general
relaxation of political ethics was observable. The old tradition could not
easily be reconciled to a juristic notion from outside. Sun Yat-sen sought
most eagerly to impress upon the Chinese the necessity for state
allegiance in place of monarchical devotion: “At present everybody says
that morality was overthrown with the advent of the republic. The main
reason is right here. Reasonably speaking we must practice loyalty even
under a republican regime, not loyalty to a sovereign, but loyalty toward
the nation, loyalty toward the people, loyalty toward our four hundred
million men. Of course, loyalty toward four hundred million men is
something much more exalted than loyalty toward one single man. Hence we
must preserve the excellent virtue of loyalty.”(228) A curious emphasis on
the physical object of loyalty is present here. The Chinese, having no
background of Western juristic hypostatizations, were unable to be
faithful to a legal fiction; expressing state allegiance, Sun Yat-sen had
to put it in its most tangible form, that of a concord of human beings.
Nevertheless, under the republic, the old virtue of personal loyalty
should not interfere with state allegiance. Sun Yat-sen was willing and
anxious that the Chinese should consider their loyalty as being directed
to the nation; he did not wish that the officials of the nation, as men,
should get it. In that case the very purpose of democracy would be
defeated, and a monarchy or an oligarchy set up with the formulae of a
democracy. Sun Yat-sen was as radically republican as any early American.
“In regard to the government of the nation, fundamentally, it is the
people who have the power, but the administration of the government must
be entrusted to experts who have the capacity. We need not regard those
experts as stately and honorable presidents and ministers, but merely as
chauffeurs of automobiles, as sentinels who guard the gate, as cooks who
prepare the food, as doctors who attend to sicknesses, as carpenters who
build houses, as tailors who make clothes.”(229) State allegiance had to
be directed between the Scylla of a monarchical restoration and the
Charybdis of nominally republican personal government. The old form had to
be discarded, and the old habits turned in a new direction, but not in the
easiest direction that they might take.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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