The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu ILinebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
History
The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu I
Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
Sun, Yat-sen, 1866-1925. San min zhu yi
Hence the province of government had to be greatly extended. The control
of men by the ideology was incomplete wherever the foreign culture had
really struck the Chinese—as, for instance, in the case of the
newly-developed Chinese proletariat, which could not follow the Confucian
precepts in the slums of twentieth-century industry. The family system,
the village, and the guild were to the Chinese proletarians mere shadows
of a past; they were faced individually with the problems of a foreign
social life suddenly interjected into that of the Chinese. True instances
of the interpenetration of opposites, they were Chinese from the still
existing old society of China suddenly transposed into an industrial world
in which the old ideology was of little relevance. If they were to remain
Chinese they had to be brought again into the fold of the Chinese
ideology; and, meanwhile, instead of being controlled ideologically, they
must be controlled by the sharp, clear action of government possessing a
monopoly of the power of coercion. The proletarians were not, indeed, the
only group of Chinese over whom the old ideology had lost control. There
were the overseas Chinese, the new Chinese finance-capitalists, and others
who had adjusted their personal lives to the Western world. These had done
so incompletely, and needed the action of government to shield them not
only from themselves and from one another, but from their precarious
position in their relations with the Westerners.
Other groups had not completely fallen away from the ideology, but had
found major sections of it to be unsuitable to the regulation of their own
lives. Virtue could not be found in a family system which was slowly
losing its polygynous character and also slowly giving place to a sort of
social atomism; the intervention of the machine state was required to
serve as a substitute for ideological regulation until such a time as the
new ideology should have developed sufficiently to restore relevance to
traditions.
Indeed, throughout all China, there were few people who were not touched
to a greater or less degree by the consequences of the collision of the
two intellectual worlds, the nationalistic West and the old Chinese
world-society. However much Chinese might desire to continue in their
traditional modes of behavior, it was impossible for them to live happy
and progressive lives by virtue of having memorized the classics and paid
respect to the precepts of tradition, as had their forefathers. In all
cases where the old ideas failed, state and law suddenly acquired a new
importance—almost overwhelming to some Chinese—as the establishers of the
new order of life. Even etiquette was established by decree, in the days
of the parliamentary Republic at Peking; the age-old assurance of Chinese
dress and manners was suddenly swept away, and the government found itself
forced to decree frock-coats.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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