Fiction -- History and criticism; Political fiction -- History and criticism; Politics in literature
What Socialism meant to most of them was a chance to work and eat
till their stomachs were full, to work and sleep in peace, without
having to be afraid of the morrow. In the league premises at Fossa,
next to the bearded portrait of Karl Marx, there was a picture of
Christ in a red shirt. On Saturday nights the peasants came to
the league to sing “Up, brothers! Brothers, arise!” and on Sunday
morning they went to Mass to say “Amen.” The permanent occupation
of a Socialist leader was writing recommendations.
The American representatives of this class seem much the same.
Garland’s _A Spoil of Office_ follows the abortive political careers of
the Grange and the Farmer’s Alliance. Bradley Talcott sees this latter
movement as “the most pathetic, tragic, and desperate revolt against
oppression and wrong ever made by the American farmer.” His guiding
star Ida puts it even more simply: “While our great politicians split
hairs on the tariff, people starve. The time has come for rebellion.”
Conditions in Iowa have changed eighty years later, but in the deep
South they are almost as bad. William Russell’s _A Wind Is Rising_
(1950) focuses on Negro tenant farmers charged 500 per cent interest by
the landowners and cheated of part of the cotton crop they succeed in
raising.
Whether he is Prince Torlonia or a Russian noble, the large landholder
is most often seen in the novel as the embodiment of the forces which
keep the peasant class in subjection. Men like Nikolai Kirsanov
in _Fathers and Sons_ may attempt to improve conditions, but the
predominant pattern is one of exploitation which eventually produces
violence. At the end of _A Handful of Blackberries_ the peasants kill a
bailiff when they invade the Tarocchi pasture lands they believe to be
rightfully theirs. Debased and deprived, lacking political awareness,
and incited by members of other classes, the peasant group turns to
violence. In some areas of the world, particularly the United States
and England, a steady economic evolution has tended to eliminate
large segments of this group. The Russian peasant appears still to
be a peasant, even though he may be a Stakhanovite worker in a large
_kolkhoz_. But where the class still exists in a society in which
violent protest is still possible, the pattern appears unchanged.
=Labor=
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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