It is necessary to lay stress upon this aspect of the evidence given by the witnesses at Coleman’s trial, since at all those which followed it reappeared with little variation; but to Coleman himself it was not of the first importance. Sixteen letters selected from his correspondence with Roman Catholics abroad were read at length,[587] and formed the heaviest part of the case against him. From them the nature of his schemes was plainly visible. It was of little moment to him that they were taken as establishing the reality of the nightmare which Oates had sketched. Without anything in common with the blood and thunder tales which that miscreant poured forth, they contained more than enough of treasonable matter to cost the prisoner his head. It was impossible for him to deny the letters. All he could do was to say that he had meant no harm, and to express the hope that they would not be found to bear out the charge of high treason. “I deny the conclusion, but the premises,” he admitted, “are too strong and artificial.”[588] Chief among the correspondence read were three letters to and one from Père de la Chaize and the declaration which Coleman had drawn up to justify the prospective dissolution of Parliament.[589] On the subject of these an important discussion took place between Scroggs and the prisoner. Coleman insisted that there was nothing in his letters to justify the accusation that he had planned the death of the king; he might have used extravagant expressions; but if all the letters were considered together, surely it would be evident that, so far from designing any ill to the king and the Duke of York, his sole aim had been to exalt their power as high as possible. The Chief Justice pointed out that the letters openly declared, almost in so many words, an intention to overthrow the religion and government of the country by the help of foreign power; to say that he had attempted this for the benefit of the king was merely to offer a feeble excuse for his fault; with that the court had nothing to do. Coleman again began to explain his point of view in a rather muddled fashion. People said that he had made use of the duke’s name without leave in his negotiations; was it likely that he had been so foolish as to imagine that his friends abroad would expend their money without the certainty that it was for the duke’s service; still more, was it likely that the duke would use any sum thus obtained to the disservice of the king? “I take it for granted,” he continued “(which sure none in the world will deny), that the law was ever made immediately subject to the king or duke; and consequently to the duke, I cannot think this will ever be expounded by the law of England or the jury to be treason.” At this point the Chief Justice interrupted him impatiently. “These vain inconsequential discourses” served but to waste the time of the court. The plain truth was that the prisoner had formed a design “to bring