Lloyd George, David, 1863-1945; Prime ministers -- Great Britain -- Biography
TRAVELLING about the world before the Great War, no one could fail to
notice that the name of Mr. Lloyd George had already become an ensign.
Men had begun to apply it to that particular type of statesman, becoming
happily less rare, who take risks on behalf of the “common people.” It
had become a way of classifying a statesman to speak of him as “Our
Lloyd George.” This was especially the case with little nations. In
Norway, for instance, during the winter of 1913-14, I found that that
remarkable social reformer, Mr. Castberg, was generally spoken of as the
“Norwegian Lloyd George”; and on meeting him I was surprised to find how
closely he was modelling his policy on that of the British statesman.
His chief aspiration was to meet Mr. Lloyd George and discuss with him
his own schemes for simplifying and enlarging Norwegian social insurance
and reforming their land system.
This was but one example of a very general tendency. There was another
remarkable fact. Those who met and talked with Socialists either in
France or in Germany during 1912-14, must have been astonished to
discover that, in speaking of Great Britain, their thoughts were
concerned not with any British Socialist leader, but almost always with
Mr. Lloyd George. The reason of this was simple, but illuminating.
European Socialism had for half a century been hand-cuffed to an
impracticable idealism. Here was a man who achieved things. He might be
an opportunist and a compromiser. Well, then, there was something to be
said for opportunism and compromise. For the great thing was that, while
all the idealists were still dreaming, this man was awake and
doing.[146]
Apart from the Socialists, there was one European statesman who, long
before the war, already realised Mr. Lloyd George as a possible European
force. That was the great Cretan Greek, M. Venizelos. The instinctive
mutual regard and respect of these two men is one of the most remarkable
things in latter-day politics. There was telepathy in it. Across the
length of Europe they seemed to have caught some message from one
another even before they were acquainted. It was Mr. Lloyd George who
especially urged on the Greek Government that M. Venizelos should come
to the London Conference of 1912. It was on that visit that they met at
the house of a friend and had a long conversation. They found much in
common—a common hope for the little nations, a common belief in the
unity and federation of the Balkan States as the one hope of the Near
East.
It was after this that M. Venizelos said to a friend—“Mr. Lloyd George
will save Europe.”
It was only gradually that Mr. Lloyd George emerged in Western Europe as
a commanding figure in the world war. It was the French who first among
European nations discovered him as a European. This was partly, no
doubt, from some instinctive sympathy between the Gaul and the Celt; for
very large numbers of Frenchmen—the Bretons—are actually still
Celtic—even Welsh—both in thought and language.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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