Two essential constituents in that older theory, as will be recalled,
were the notions that each individual is of himself equipped with the
intelligence needed, under the operation of self-interest, to engage
in political affairs; and that general suffrage, frequent elections of
officials and majority rule are sufficient to ensure the responsibility
of elected rulers to the desires and interests of the public. As we
shall see, the second conception is logically bound up with the first
and stands or falls with it. At the basis of the scheme lies what
Lippmann has well called the idea of the “omni-competent” individual:
competent to frame policies, to judge their results; competent to
know in all situations demanding political action what is for his
own good, and competent to enforce his idea of good and the will to
effect it against contrary forces. Subsequent history has proved that
the assumption involved illusion. Had it not been for the misleading
influence of a false psychology, the illusion might have been detected
in advance. But current philosophy held that ideas and knowledge were
functions of a mind or consciousness which originated in individuals
by means of isolated contact with objects. But in fact, knowledge is a
function of association and communication; it depends upon tradition,
upon tools and methods socially transmitted, developed and sanctioned.
Faculties of effectual observation, reflection and desire are habits
acquired under the influence of the culture and institutions of
society, not ready-made inherent powers. The fact that man acts from
crudely intelligized emotion and from habit rather than from rational
consideration, is now so familiar that it is not easy to appreciate
that the other idea was taken seriously as the basis of economic and
political philosophy. The measure of truth which it contains was
derived from observation of a relatively small group of shrewd business
men who regulated their enterprises by calculation and accounting,
and of citizens of small and stable local communities who were so
intimately acquainted with the persons and affairs of their locality
that they could pass competent judgment upon the bearing of proposed
measures upon their own concerns.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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