The illustration cannot be objected to on the ground that it rests
upon the abnormal situation of war. The war itself was a normal
manifestation of the underlying unintegrated state of society. The
local face-to-face community has been invaded by forces so vast,
so remote in initiation, so far-reaching in scope and so complexly
indirect in operation, that they are, from the standpoint of the
members of local social units, unknown. Man, as has been often
remarked, has difficulty in getting on either with or without his
fellows, even in neighborhoods. He is not more successful in getting
on with them when they act at a great distance in ways invisible to
him. An inchoate public is capable of organization only when indirect
consequences are perceived, and when it is possible to project agencies
which order their occurrence. At present, many consequences are felt
rather than perceived; they are suffered, but they cannot be said to
be known, for they are not, by those who experience them, referred to
their origins. It goes, then, without saying that agencies are not
established which canalize the streams of social action and thereby
regulate them. Hence the publics are amorphous and unarticulated.
There was a time when a man might entertain a few general political
principles and apply them with some confidence. A citizen believed in
states’ rights or in a centralized federal government; in free trade or
protection. It did not involve much mental strain to imagine that by
throwing in his lot with one party or another he could so express his
views that his belief would count in government. For the average voter
to-day the tariff question is a complicated medley of infinite detail,
schedules of rates specific and _ad valorem_ on countless things, many
of which he does not recognize by name, and with respect to which he
can form no judgment. Probably not one voter in a thousand even reads
the scores of pages in which the rates of toll are enumerated and he
would not be much wiser if he did. The average man gives it up as a bad
job. At election time, appeal to some time-worn slogan may galvanize
him into a temporary notion that he has convictions on an important
subject, but except for manufacturers and dealers who have some
interest at stake in this or that schedule, belief lacks the qualities
which attach to beliefs about matters of personal concern. Industry is
too complex and intricate.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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