"There are many reasons besides these in the interest of uniformity which make it desirable to transfer the entire control of this important matter to the regulation of the Nation. First, because of its constitution and more extended sessions, Congress is able to consider the subject with greater deliberation, and therefore with more intelligence, than can a legislature composed of members who, as a rule, hold their office for but one short session of about sixty days' duration. There would also be removed from local legislation a fruitful source of corruption, which is gradually sapping the foundations of public morality.... In the second place, the problem of regulating railway tolls and managing railways is essentially and practically indivisible, by State lines or otherwise, and therefore it is not clear but that whenever the question may come before the courts it may be held that the authority of Congress to deal with interstate traffic carries with it, as a necessary and inseparable part of the subject, to regulate the traffic which is now assumed to be controlled by the several States. The courts have held that the States have authority to regulate strictly State traffic in the absence of Congressional action, but their decisions do not preclude the doctrine that Congress may have exclusive jurisdiction whenever it may choose to exercise the authority. There is a line of reasoning which would lead to that conclusion. It may be that many will not care to follow the lead of the writer as to the measure of aggregate net revenue which railway companies are entitled to collect in tolls, but it is evident that before the tolls can be intelligently determined some measure of such aggregate revenue must be ascertained. The question would then arise, what proportion must be levied upon State and interstate traffic respectively? If the State should refuse to levy its share (and how could such share be ascertained?), then more than its share would have to be levied on interstate traffic, and thus the State by indirection would be able to do what the Constitution prohibits. Of course, when the Constitution was adopted railways and railway traffic were unknown. But it was a similar question which brought the thirteen original States together into one nation, under the present Constitution. At least the first movement toward amending the original Articles of Confederation was to give Congress enlarged power over the subject of commerce."