felt that it was not improper for them to accept them. Out of this situation grew a large part of the pass abuse, because, following the national government and the legislatures, the large men of business felt that they could properly accept similar privileges. Therefore, I repeat, that while there were great abuses--especially during the period referred to--embittering a large portion of people, yet the railroads were no more responsible than the people themselves; and yet, without doubt it was during this period that the foundation was laid for the feeling of the present day. RAILWAYS WELCOME JUST REGULATION. But, as I stated, we were forced to bear the brunt of our past sins--and more--in the campaign for increasing the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Do not misunderstand me. Many thoughtful railroad men believed always, in the value, both to the railroads and the public, of an interstate law, and, further, considered it wise to strengthen the power of the Commission. The distinction, however, between what railroad men did and did not believe in, is very clear. We felt and we feel now that the government is perfectly justified in regulating railroad practices to the extent of preventing discriminations. Indeed, the government should act as a sort of policeman to see to it that the weak and the helpless are protected. If reasonably administered, the railroads need the law. But the government should not have the right to interfere with the proper play of the natural commercial forces of the nation. The great distinction between police and commercial powers should never be lost sight of.