The Real Gladstone: An Anecdotal BiographyRitchie, J. Ewing (James Ewing)
History
The Real Gladstone: An Anecdotal Biography
Ritchie, J. Ewing (James Ewing)
Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898
Mr. Gladstone addressed the following letter to the editor of the
_Baptist_:
‘DEAR SIR,
‘I have given full consideration, which is well deserved, to your
letter and article. I complain of nothing in the article, and am not
surprised at the desires which it expresses. I acknowledge the just
and generous treatment which I have had from Nonconformists both in
and out of Wales; but the same hill or valley presents itself in
different forms and tints, according to the point from which it is
viewed.
‘My point of view is that determined for me by my political career.
I cannot safely or wisely deal in the affirmation of abstract
resolutions, though I by no means undertake to lay down the same
rather rigid rule for others. In 1868 I moved resolutions on the
Irish Church, but they were immediately followed by a Bill.
‘Your article asserts that there is now a great opportunity for
disestablishing the Welsh Church, which ought not to be let slip.
‘I will not enter into the arguments pro or con., but will simply
refer to the declarations I have made in the case of Scotland, and
then assume, _for argument’s sake_, that the Welsh Church ought to be
disestablished.
‘From my point of view there is now no such opportunity at all. I
have been telling the country on every occasion I could find that no
great political matter, of whatever kind (of course I mean a
contested matter), could be practically dealt with until the Irish
question, which blocks the way, is settled, and so put out of the
way. I may, of course, be wrong, but this is my firm opinion;
therefore he who wishes to have a great Welsh question discussed in a
practical manner should, as I think, see that his first business,
with a view to his own aim, is to clear the road.
‘But you may say Ireland ought not to occupy the attention of
Parliament to the exclusion of great British questions. My answer
is, that I have not stated whether it _ought_, but have simply said
that it will.
‘Then, you may ask, why not defer the Irish question until these
urgent British matters are settled? I reply that I have no more
power thus to defer the Irish question than I had to defer the
earthquake which happened thirty-six hours ago in France and Italy.
Any attempt by me to force a postponement of the Irish question would
only add to the confusion and the pressure. I am not creating a
difficulty, but only pointing it out. The finger-post does not make
the road.
‘I will, however, point out a main reason why this Irish question is
so troublesome, obtrusive, and provoking. It is because it involves
social order, and it is in the nature of questions involving social
order to push their claims to precedence over other questions.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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