The Real Shelley. New Views of the Poet's Life. Vol. 2 (of 2)Jeaffreson, John Cordy
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The Real Shelley. New Views of the Poet's Life. Vol. 2 (of 2)
Jeaffreson, John Cordy
Poets, English -- 19th century -- Biography; Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 1792-1822
It is thus that Shelley, the scion of a middle-class family, the
great-grandson of a Yankee apothecary, boasted of his ‘lineage high,’ to
the admiration of eulogists, who speak disdainfully of Byron’s pride in
his Norman descent. Of her conjugal union to Lionel--a union effected in
accordance with the ways and principles of Free Lovers--Helen says, in
terms descriptive of Mary’s bondless marriage with her father’s familiar
friend,--
‘And so we loved, and did unite
All that in us was yet divided:
For when he said, that many a rite,
By men to bind but once provided,
Could not be shared by him and me,
Or they would kill him in their glee,
I shuddered, and then laughing said--
“We will have rites our faith to bind,
But our church shall be the starry night,
Our altar the grassy earth outspread,
And our priest the muttering wind.”’
A very delightful way of being married, no doubt; but in real life,
marriages done thus lightly and elegantly, without church or chapel,
priest or minister, officer or registrar, sometimes have inconvenient
consequences.
Another thing to render _Rosalind and Helen_ interesting to students of
Shelley’s story, is its evidence that Shelley wrote the poem with a hope,
that it would tend to draw Mary and Claire still closer together, and weld
their hearts into an indissoluble union by the strongest mutual affection.
That it was Mary who induced Shelley, at the baths of Lucca in the summer
of 1818, to finish the poem which had this obvious purpose, is a part of
the evidence that she was then animated by affection for the
sister-by-affinity, whom she had so recently styled her ‘sister’ in a
published book. Yet we are assured by Mr. Kegan Paul that, in 1818, Mrs.
Shelley ‘felt as strongly as Byron that Allegra’s mother was the worst
person possible to train the child.’ Had I not on certain occasions caught
Mr. Kegan Paul, passing from clear evidences to strangely erroneous
conclusions, I should take it for granted that he had sufficient
documentary evidence for so strong and startling a statement. But I am
slow to believe that Mrs. Shelley thought so ill of Claire, either at
Marlow (where she styled Claire her ‘sister’ in a published book), or in
any term of 1818, prior to the time when she encouraged Shelley to resume
work on _Rosalind and Helen_. Under the circumstances, I can conceive
that Mr. Kegan Paul has inferred too much from some words, penned by Mrs.
Shelley, in order to induce Byron to take personal charge of Allegra. In
1817 and 1818, the Shelleys put strong pressure on Byron, to rear Allegra
under his own roof and eye, and in doing so declared the strongest opinion
that he was the fittest person to have charge of the child. But to argue
from any expressions of this opinion, that Mrs. Shelley regarded her
‘sister’ as a person from whose deleterious influence the child should be
preserved, would be alike unjust to the Shelleys and to Claire; it being
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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