At the moment I attached no importance whatever to Conroy's visit to
Germany. Now I have come to think that he went there on a very serious
business indeed. His immense financial interests not only kept him in
touch with all the money markets of the world. They also gave him a
knowledge of what was being done everywhere by the great manufacturers
and the inventors. Moreover Conroy's immense wealth, when he chose to
use it, enabled him to get things done for him very quietly. He could
secure the delivery of goods which he ordered in unconventional ways,
in unusual places. He could, for instance, by means of lavish
expenditure and personal interviews, arrange to have guns put
unobtrusively into innocent looking tramp steamers and transhipped
from them in lonely places to the hold of the _Finola_. Whether the
German Government had any idea of what was going on I do not know.
Foreign governments are supposed to be well supplied with information
about the manufacture and destination of munitions of war. The English
Government, I am sure, had not up to the last moment any definite
information. Its suspicions were of the very vaguest kind before the
Chancellor of the Exchequer received Godfrey's letter.
The Belfast demonstration--Babberly's defiance of the Government's
warning--was fixed for the first Monday in September. On the 24th of
August, ten days before the demonstration, _The Loyalist_ became a
daily instead of a weekly paper. Its circulation increased
immediately. It was on sale everywhere in the north of Ireland, and it
was delivered with striking regularity in out of the way places in
which it was almost impossible to get any other daily paper. It
continued to press upon its readers the necessity of attending
Babberly's demonstration in Belfast. It said, several times over, that
the demonstration was to be one of armed men. Parliament was sitting
late, debating wearily the amendments proposed by Unionists to the
Home Rule Bill. A Nationalist member arrived at Westminster one day
with a copy of _The Loyalist_ in his pocket. He called the attention
of the Chief Secretary for Ireland to the language used in one of the
leading articles, and asked what steps were being taken to prevent a
breach of the peace in Belfast on the first Monday in September.
Before the Chief Secretary could answer Babberly burst in with another
question.
"Is it not a fact," he asked, "that the paper in question is edited by
a notorious Nationalist, a physical force man, a declared rebel, one
of the chosen associates of the honourable gentleman opposite?"
The Chief Secretary replied that he had no knowledge of the political
opinions of the editor in question further than as they obtained
expression in his paper. He appeared to be a strong Unionist.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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