Saint Petersburg (Russia) -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
Even my little princess friend, Orchidée, who had been educated in
France and whose natural sympathies were all with the Allies, admitted
to me that she hoped the Germans would come soon. We were lunching
together. In the party were an English officer and a Russian who before
the Revolution was in charge of the Grand Duchesses’ hospital train.
“You don’t really mean it,” I said.
“Yes, I do,” she answered. “I like the English, and I should like to
have them come and rule us; but they will not. If the Germans come, we
can keep our titles and our estates. Why shouldn’t we want them?”
“And you?” I asked, turning to the other Russian. “Do you feel the
same?”
“Yes,” he answered. “It is the only hope for us. The Bolsheviki will
take all.”
They were demonstrating the Marxian theory that one’s conduct is
dictated by one’s economic desires. They were being forced by the new
order to give up their privileges, and to ask them to like it was to
expect the impossible. For some of them the situation was tragic.
They were products of the system, just as were the uneducated Russian
peasant and the class-conscious revolutionary workers.
One man characterized his country for me by saying:
“Russia is like a badly baked loaf of bread. It is raw on one side
and burned on the other. The great peasant mass is left in ignorance
and poverty, while the upper class has nothing but luxury and useless
culture.”
The luxury was disappearing. The “useless culture” did them little
good in a state that recognized no value but that of production. The
land-owner, suddenly bereft of his estates, like the military man
deprived of his epaulets and his salary, was frequently a pathetic
figure. The life of the dying class is not easy. On the streets
of Moscow and Petrograd, officers were shoveling snow, or selling
newspapers, or trucking baggage to buy the barest necessities. In
some cases, the women, proving less unfit than the men of the family,
had become the bread-winners. The old picture money of the Tsar’s
day disappeared, and the post-revolutionary issues of currency,
practically the only exchange in the market, were accepted with a
single sneering word--“Kerensky.”
The Anarchists grew more daring in the days immediately following the
dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.
“What is the use of government?” the Anarchists asked. “The Bolsheviki
promised you bread, and promised you peace. Where is your bread? Where
is your peace? All governments are alike--the Bolsheviki just the same
as the others! You must take the factories! Take the land! Why do you
wait?”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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