years more without a parliament, and I intend to do all I can to guide my country back to where we were before the October manifesto.” These are the words of the Czar. They attain especial significance in the light of later events, and it is evident to every thoughtful observer that the Czar had already determined upon his policy before the Duma had met at all. Every act of his indicates this: the promulgation of the fundamental laws on May 8, his false and empty speech from the throne, his refusal to receive the Duma’s response to the throne speech, the dissolution, the dissolution of succeeding dumas, and the gradual retrenchment and curtailment of every liberty he had ever promised. It is highly important to interpret the history of Russia’s parliamentary beginnings in the light of the attitude of the Czar. On the eve of the meeting of the Duma the government issued a lengthy list of so-called “fundamental” and “exceptional” laws which prenatally devitalized and emasculated the new Duma. These laws were declared unalterable by the Duma. The powers of the Czar, as autocrat, were defined to include the sole right of proposing changes in the fundamental laws to the Council of Empire[9] and the Duma; the right of veto; the appointment of executive, the ministers, the judges; the decisions of peace and war; the control and command of the army and navy. Ordinary laws could not be passed without the consent of both houses and the Czar, but the Czar might promulgate “special” laws, and under the cloak of “martial” law any number or any kind of special laws might be established. The council of ministers, too, might promulgate “temporary” laws--with the consent of the Czar. (“Temporary” special legislation against the Jews enacted fifty years ago still remains.) While the parliament was to meet annually, the Czar reserved the right to dismiss it at any time. The parliament was to have no control over the public debt, or the expenses of the court or ministry. War taxes and foreign loans might be made without the advice or consent of the Duma. The ministers were to remain responsible to the Czar and not to the Duma. Thus Russia’s first parliament was left a mere shell, empty of power and authority. In spite of the doubting attitude of the people at large toward the good faith of the Emperor and the government, in spite of the restrictions of the elections, a remarkably sane and liberal body of men returned to the Duma. On May 1 Count Witte ceased to be premier, and an impotent little gentleman named Gorymekin succeeded him. On May 2 M. Durnovo, the unscrupulous and reactionary minister of interior, notified the governors of the provinces that they were to prevent peasant deputies from traveling to St. Petersburg with Constitutional Democrats! The Constitutional Democrats being composed almost entirely of university professors, professional men, and other “intellectuals,” it was evidently feared that the unlettered peasants might be contaminated.