The Red Reign: The True Story of an Adventurous Year in RussiaDurland, Kellogg
History
The Red Reign: The True Story of an Adventurous Year in Russia
Durland, Kellogg
Russia -- Politics and government -- 1894-1917
The first business session began with the reading of many congratulatory
telegrams, from the Diet of Finland, the municipality of Prague, the
Prince of Montenegro, and the large cities of the empire. Toward the
last were several from political exiles and prisoners. The spontaneous
applause which broke from practically the entire Duma when these
telegrams were read was louder and more sustained than for all of the
others put together. The president was obliged to read them a second,
then a third time, and then, at the suggestion of some one on the floor,
another round of applause was given standing. I counted only eight men
who remained in their seats. Amnesty was made the first demand of the
Duma. Not a partial amnesty, but a full and complete amnesty to all
political prisoners, including terrorists.
Telegrams, letters, petitions began daily to come from all parts of the
country to the deputies urging this and other demands. “If we fail to
get the things we have come for, we dare not return to our homes,” said
many deputies. The general feeling at the time was that if the Duma
failed or was suppressed, it would be not the Duma merely that was put
down, but the country. For in a degree difficult to appreciate the Duma
was the country. It was the most absolutely representative organization
ever brought together. Not of people merely, but of professionals and
classes. The United States House of Representatives is largely composed
of lawyers and professional politicians. The House of Commons of
“gentlemen.” The French Chambre of journalists and men of letters. Not
so the Duma. An analysis of the personnel and professions of the members
showed that twenty-three were lawyers; fifteen, university professors;
six, high-school teachers; fifteen, doctors; nine,
[Illustration:
Petrounkevitch Roditcheff
Two Constitutional Democratic leaders in the first Duma]
authors; seventy-five, “Zemstvo specialists”--that is to say, men who
have devoted themselves to the work of local governing bodies, men of
means generally; twelve, rich landowners; ten, marshals of nobility;
two, engineers; nine, “functionaries”--men appointed by favor to
positions of sinecure in connection with public offices; seven,
common-school teachers; four, Greek priests; three, Roman Catholic
priests; three, Mohammedan moullahs; one, Jewish rabbi; one, Romanist
bishop; fifteen, workmen; four, merchants; two, manufacturers; two,
students; and one hundred and sixty-six, peasants. The atmosphere of the
ensemble was, at first glance, intellectual, but the peasants and
workmen together formed a powerful block to any step proposed by the
intellectuals that did not meet with their approval. They were the real
radicals, the extreme left, of the Duma.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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