The Reign of Henry the Eighth, Volume 1 (of 3)Froude, James Anthony
History
The Reign of Henry the Eighth, Volume 1 (of 3)
Froude, James Anthony
Great Britain -- History -- Henry VIII, 1509-1547; Henry VIII, King of England, 1491-1547
readiest hearing among the common people; not only because the interests of
the higher classes are usually in some degree connected with the
maintenance of existing institutions; but because ignorance is itself a
protection against the many considerations which embarrass the judgment of
the educated. The value of a doctrine cannot be determined on its own
apparent merits by men whose habits of mind are settled in other forms;
while men of experience know well that out of the thousands of theories
which rise in the fertile soil below them, it is but one here and one there
which grows to maturity; and the precarious chances of possible vitality,
where the opposite probabilities are so enormous, oblige them to discourage
and repress opinions which threaten to disturb established order, or which,
by the rules of existing beliefs, imperil the souls of those who entertain
them. Persecution has ceased among ourselves, because we do not any more
believe that want of theoretic orthodoxy in matters of faith is necessarily
fraught with the tremendous consequences which once were supposed to be
attached to it. If, however, a school of Thugs were to rise among us,
making murder a religious service; if they gained proselytes, and the
proselytes put their teaching in execution, we should speedily begin again
to persecute opinion. What teachers of Thuggism would appear to ourselves,
the teachers of heresy actually appeared to Sir Thomas More, only being as
much more hateful as the eternal death of the soul is more terrible than
the single and momentary separation of it from the body. There is, I think,
no just ground on which to condemn conscientious Catholics on the score of
persecution, except only this: that as we are now convinced of the
injustice of the persecuting laws, so among those who believed them to be
just, there were some who were led by an instinctive protest of human
feeling to be lenient in the execution of those laws; while others of
harder nature and more narrow sympathies enforced them without reluctance,
and even with exultation. The heart, when it is rightly constituted,
corrects the folly of the head; and wise good men, even though they
entertain no conscious misgiving as to the soundness of their theories, may
be delivered from the worst consequences of those theories, by trusting
their more genial instincts. And thus, and thus only, are we justified in
censuring those whose names figure largely in the persecuting lists. Their
defence is impregnable to logic. We blame them for the absence of that
humanity which is deeper than logic, and which should have taught them to
refuse the conclusions of their speculative creed.
Such, then, was the state of parties in the autumn of 1529. The old
conservatives, the political ecclesiastics, had ceased to exist, and the
clergy as a body were paralysed by corruption. There remained--
The English party who had succeeded to power, and who were bent upon a
secular revolt.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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