Justice -- Early works to 1800; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Utopias -- Early works to 1800
Aristotle censures the community of property much in the spirit of modern
political economy, as tending to repress industry, and as doing away with
the spirit of benevolence. Modern writers almost refuse to consider the
subject, which is supposed to have been long ago settled by the common
opinion of mankind. But it must be remembered that the sacredness of
property is a notion far more fixed in modern than in ancient times. The
world has grown older, and is therefore more conservative. Primitive
society offered many examples of land held in common, either by a tribe or
by a township, and such may probably have been the original form of landed
tenure. Ancient legislators had invented various modes of dividing and
preserving the divisions of land among the citizens; according to
Aristotle there were nations who held the land in common and divided the
produce, and there were others who divided the land and stored the produce
in common. The evils of debt and the inequality of property were far
greater in ancient than in modern {clxxvi} times, and the accidents to
which property was subject from war, or revolution, or taxation, or other
legislative interference, were also greater. All these circumstances gave
property a less fixed and sacred character. The early Christians are
believed to have held their property in common, and the principle is
sanctioned by the words of Christ himself, and has been maintained as a
counsel of perfection in almost all ages of the Church. Nor have there
been wanting instances of modern enthusiasts who have made a religion of
communism; in every age of religious excitement notions like Wycliffe's
'inheritance of grace' have tended to prevail. A like spirit, but fiercer
and more violent, has appeared in politics. 'The preparation of the Gospel
of peace' soon becomes the red flag of Republicanism.
We can hardly judge what effect Plato's views would have upon his own
contemporaries; they would perhaps have seemed to them only an
exaggeration of the Spartan commonwealth. Even modern writers would
acknowledge that the right of private property is based on expediency, and
may be interfered with in a variety of ways for the public good. Any other
mode of vesting property which was found to be more advantageous, would in
time acquire the same basis of right; 'the most useful,' in Plato's words,
'would be the most sacred.' The lawyers and ecclesiastics of former ages
would have spoken of property as a sacred institution. But they only meant
by such language to oppose the greatest amount of resistance to any
invasion of the rights of individuals and of the Church.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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