The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
In the meantime the deputation of citizens had reached the castle. At
first the officials were disposed to treat them angrily, and even
tried to detain them by force; but the news of the concession of arms
to the students, the urgent pressure of Archduke John, and the
continued accounts of the growing fury of the people, finally decided
Metternich to yield; and, advancing into the room where the civic
deputation was assembled, he declared that, as they had said his
resignation would bring peace to Austria, he now resigned his office,
and wished good luck to the new Government. Many of the royal family,
and of the other members of the Council, flattered themselves that
they had got rid of a formidable enemy, without making any definite
concession to the people. Windischgrätz alone protested against the
abandonment of Metternich by the rulers of Austria. Metternich had
hoped to retire quietly to his own villa; but it had been already
burned in the insurrection; and he soon found that it was safer to
fly from Vienna and eventually to take refuge in England. He had,
however, one consolation in all his misfortunes. In the memoir written
four years later he expressed his certainty that he at least had done
no wrong, and that "if he had to begin his career again, he would have
followed again the course which he took before, and would not have
deviated from it for an instant."
When, at half-past eight in the evening of March 13, men went through
the streets of Vienna, crying out "Metternich is fallen!" it seemed as
if the march of the students and the petition of Fischhof had produced
in one day all the results desired. But neither the suspicions of the
people, nor the violent intentions of the Princes, were at an end. The
Archdukes still talked of making Windischgrätz dictator of Vienna. The
workmen still raged in the suburbs; and the students refused to leave
the University, for fear an attack should be made upon it. But, in
spite of the violence of the workmen, the leaders of the richer
citizens were more and more determined to make common cause with the
reformers. Indeed, both they and the students hoped to check the
violence of the riots, while they prevented any reactionary movement.
The Emperor also was on the side of concession. He refused to let the
people be fired on, and announced, on the 14th, the liberties of the
Press. But unfortunately he was seized with one of his epileptic fits;
and the intriguers, who were already consolidating themselves into
the secret Council known as the Camarilla, published the news of
Windischgrätz's dictatorship, and resolved to place Vienna under a
state of siege while the Emperor was incapable of giving directions.
The news of Windischgrätz's accession to power so alarmed the people
that they at once decided to march upon the castle; but one of the
leading citizens, named Arthaber, persuaded them to abandon their
intention, and, instead, to send him and another friend to ask for a
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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