The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
One of the great points of difference between the policy of the
Republicans and that of Charles Albert was that the former desired to
press forward to the Alps and excite an insurrection against Austria
amongst the population of the Southern Tyrol. That population, in
spite of its Italian blood and language, had been loyal to Francis of
Austria in the time of Andrew Hofer; but the ungrateful policy of the
Austrian Emperor had gradually alienated the sympathies of the Italian
Tyrolese; and, while even in Frankfort the representatives of the
Southern Tyrol were asking for local self-government in their own
country, the population were ready to rise on behalf of Garibaldi and
Manara. But the dislike of many of the Piedmontese officers to the
war, and the hesitation of Charles Albert between war, diplomacy, and
complete abandonment of the cause, led the official leaders of the
Lombard movement to repel any proposal for so extending the area of
the war as to drive the Austrians to extremities, and to make them
unwilling to accept a diplomatic settlement of the contest.
Many of those who were repelled by Casati and Charles Albert went to
find a more generous welcome at Venice. The extremely democratic
character of the Venetian insurrection had impressed all observers;
and it was specially noted that an artizan, named Toffoli, had been
admitted into the Provisional Government of Venice. But, hearty as
Manin was in his desire to enlist the sympathies of all classes, he
could not help being a Venetian, and not a Milanese. However narrow
and aristocratic Casati and his friends might be in their personal
feelings, they were the official representatives of a city whose
glories were connected with the memories of a time when it was the
head of a league of free cities;[14] while Venice, even in its long
struggle against the Turks or in its resistance to the papacy in the
seventeenth century, could never be taken as the champion of free
civic government. Manin and Casati seem alike to have been influenced
by these traditions; and while the future Council of Lombardy had been
fully constituted by April 13th, it was not till the 14th of that
month that the Provisional Government of Venice consented to allow the
towns of Venetia to choose representatives, who should take a real
share in the government of the province. The consequences of this
hesitation were most unfortunate. Treviso, Padua, Rovigo, Vicenza, and
Udine had formed Provisional Governments even before they knew that
Venice was free; and they would then readily have joined the Venetian
Republic; but observing some hesitation on the part of Venice to
answer to their appeal, Vicenza offered herself to Charles Albert.
This decision excited some indignation in Venice; for Manin had hoped
that the old towns of Venetia would be willing, under whatever form of
government, to act with the chief city; and whatever errors Manin may
have committed in the delay, he was more zealous than either the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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