The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
Further, as "the Circus was in the time of the Romans the secret means
of the State for rendering the people submissive to the Government,"
... so "the Austrian Government should give a very generous subsidy to
the theatre of La Scala (at Milan); but it would be also desirable
that it should make some sacrifice for the provincial theatres." A few
modifications of the Austrian code, some reduction on customs duties,
and lessening of the restrictions on passports, are also suggested in
the Report. Such were the means by which the trusted servant of
Metternich hoped to counteract the influence of Mazzini and Young
Italy.
But in the meantime another form of opposition to the power of
Metternich was growing up in a country very different from Italy, both
in its circumstances and the character of its people.
While, in all other countries of Europe, Metternich looked upon every
approach to self-government with suspicion, and tried to crush it out
either by force or diplomacy, both he and Francis recognized that in
Hungary there were reasons for maintaining and even encouraging
Constitutional feeling.
For here the Constitutional rights did not rest upon any revolutionary
basis; at any rate, not upon any revolution of modern times. They were
not connected with the sort of national aspirations which made the
movements in Italy and Germany so alarming to Metternich. There was,
as yet, no desire here to redistribute the country according to
popular aspirations; all rights rested on clearly defined laws handed
down from a distant past, and in many cases these rights had been the
subject of a peaceable contract between the previous rulers of the
country and the House of Austria. So much was this felt by Francis
that he even appealed on one occasion to the Hungarian Diet for
sympathy against the revolutionary methods of Liberal leaders of other
countries.
But, indeed, had the liberty of the Hungarians depended, like that of
other nations, on the assertion of the power of a central parliament,
they might have been crushed as the other peoples had been; for from
1813 to 1825 no Diet met in Hungary. But the full force of Hungarian
liberty dwelt in the organization of those county assemblies which
the Magyars had probably derived from the conquered Slavs. The
Government could not enforce its laws except through the county
officers, all of whom, with one exception, were elected by the
landholders of the district. That one Government official was bound to
call together once a year a meeting of the nobles and clergy of the
county. _There_ the wants and grievances of the district were
discussed, and orders were sent to the representatives of the county
in the Diet at Presburg to introduce bills to remedy those grievances.
These county assemblies could raise taxes and levy soldiers; and they
not only possessed, but exercised the right to refuse to obey the
orders of the King himself if, after discussion, such orders proved
illegal.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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