The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
It was not, however, at Presburg that the Wesselenyis had hitherto
played their principal part, but at the Diet which met at Klausenburg,
in Transylvania. The circumstances and organization of that peculiar
province will be more naturally considered in connection with the
movements which arose a few years later. For the present, the
important point to remember in connection with Wesselenyi's position
is, that the Austrian Government tolerated an unusual amount of
freedom in the Transylvanian Diet, in the hopes thereby of weakening
that larger Hungarian feeling which gathered round the central Diet at
Presburg. When both the Hungarian and the Transylvanian Diets were
called together in 1830, and a demand was made by the Emperor for new
recruits for the army, the House of Magnates in Transylvania showed,
under Wesselenyi's leading, a bolder and firmer opposition than the
House of Magnates at Presburg. In the central Diet, indeed, the chief
opposition to the Emperor came from the Lower House, and the nobles
were disposed to yield to the demands of Francis. But Wesselenyi, with
his splendid bearing and magnificent voice, stirred up a far more
dangerous opposition in Transylvania; and the Government at Vienna
began to mark him out as their most dangerous opponent.
But in the meantime new questions were coming to the front in Hungary,
and new leaders were being called forth by them. The Polish insurrection
of 1830 had roused more sympathy in Hungary than probably in any other
country of Europe; and a connection between the two nations was then
established which had a not unimportant influence on the subsequent
history of Hungary.
The wiser men among the Hungarian leaders saw the great defect which
marred all struggles for liberty in Poland. Whatever aspirations may
have been entertained by the Polish patriots of 1791, certain it is
that, when Poland fell before the intrigues of Russia and Prussia, the
new Constitution had not had time to bring about any better feeling
between noble and peasant; and the Polish peasantry looked with
distrust and suspicion on movements for freedom inaugurated by their
oppressors.
The Hungarian reformers saw that, if they were to make the liberties
of Hungary a reality, they must extend them to the serf as well as to
the noble. In spite of the air of freedom of discussion which the
County Assemblies of Hungary spread around them, there were, at this
time, out of the thirteen millions of Hungarians, about eleven million
serfs. These were not allowed to purchase an acre of the soil which
they cultivated; they paid all the tithes to the clergy and most of
the taxes to the State, besides various payments in kind to their
landlords; their labour might be enforced by the stick; while for
redress of their grievances they were obliged, in the first instance,
to apply to the Court over which their landlord presided.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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