The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
The first race who felt the new impulse were the Croats. They, more
than any of the other peoples who had been annexed to the Kingdom of
Hungary, had preserved their separate government and traditions of
independence. In 1527 they offered the throne of Croatia to the
Hapsburgs, without waiting for any decision by the Magyars; and when
Charles VI. was submitting to the Powers of Europe and to the
inhabitants of his different dominions the question of the Pragmatic
Sanction, Croatia gave her decision quite independently of the Diet at
Presburg.
But apart from her actual legal rights to independence, there remained
a tradition of the old period when the Kingdom of Croatia had been an
important Power in Europe, and had extended over Slavonia and
Dalmatia. But these claims were not undisputed. The hold which Venice
had gained over Dalmatia and Istria had introduced into those
provinces an Italian element; and when, in the sixteenth century, the
Serbs were called into Hungary in large numbers, Slavonia had
developed a variety of the Slavonic tongue which must have weakened
the absolute supremacy of the Croats. The sense, however, of a
connection between the dialects of the different Slavonic States was a
bond of union between those States which might at any time be drawn
closer.
When, then, Szechenyi began to stir up the Magyars to develop their
language and literature, it occurred to a Croatian poet to link
together the different dialects of the Southern Slavs into one
language. The Croatians had been so far in advance of their neighbours
the Serbs that they had abandoned the Cyrillic alphabet, which had been
introduced at the time of their first conversion to Christianity, and
had adopted the ordinary Latin alphabet. But the Croatian dialect, by
itself, would not have been accepted by the other Slavs; and the softer
language and higher culture of the old Republic of Ragusa supplied a
better basis for the development of the new language. Louis Gaj, the
Croatian poet, had studied at the University of Leipzig, which seems to
have been the centre of a good deal of Slavonic feeling; and he hoped
to link together, not merely the three provinces of Croatia, Slavonia,
and Dalmatia, but several, also, of the south-west provinces of
Austria; and, on the other hand, he wished to draw into this bond of
sympathy those Slavonic countries which still groaned under the Turkish
yoke. It was necessary, however, to find a new name for a language
which was a new combination of dialects. To call it the Croatian
language would have implied a claim to superiority for Croatia which it
was most desirable to avoid; and as none other of the Slavonic
provinces could well be treated as the godmother of the new language,
Gaj went back to the seventeenth century for a name.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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