The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go outO'Brien, James Bronterre
History
The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go out
O'Brien, James Bronterre
Labor; Labor movement; Slavery; Social problems; Working class
We must _live_ somewhere; and we must have the _needful things_ to live
on. But landlords and profitmongers claim to own every rood of ground
in the kingdom, and every house on the land; and we cannot procure
the commonest necessaries of life except through some profitmonger.
We must therefore either go without homes and without meat and drink
altogether, or we must have them from the landlord and profitmonger
on their own arbitrary terms. To have them on _any_ terms, too many
persons are often obliged, in times of difficulty and danger, to
connive at and even laud what they abhor. Again, the wrongs done by
ordinary criminals are in general superficial and ephemeral in their
effects. The man who steals my watch, or robs my house, does me only
as much wrong as I may repair at the cost of earning the price of
another watch or of the goods stolen from my house. But they who rob a
people of their territory rob them of a priceless possession, for which
all the labour and labour’s worth in the world would be no adequate
compensation. It is not only a robbery of the existing generation, but
a robbery of all generations to come; for it is depriving the whole
posterity of the disinherited of their fair legitimate share of the
_raw materials_ of wealth, which God made equally for the use of all,
in order that the descendants of the wrong-doers, so far as human
laws can determine it, may be able to grow richer and richer in every
succeeding age, by letting out for rents that raw material which is by
natural right the inheritance of all.
Perhaps the most extortionate system of legal robbery, in connection
with private property in the soil, is found in what are called _ground
rentals_. By virtue of this system, a man like the Duke of Westminster
is enabled to realise an income greater than the queen gets for her
services (and she does something for her money, but the duke does
absolutely nothing for his), merely because the land on which certain
houses are built is _said_, by a fiction in law, to belong to him;
and, after a certain number of years, the houses themselves become his
property, and he forthwith proceeds to grant fresh leases of them at
increased rents.
As to the right of _occupation_ of the land, we should make it the
same for all, giving the tenancy to those who would pay most rent to
the State, only taking care that no man held more than one farm, or a
larger one than he could cultivate himself whilst there were others in
want of small ones. As a matter of course, we should guard against too
great a subdivision as well.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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