The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go outO'Brien, James Bronterre
History
The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go out
O'Brien, James Bronterre
Labor; Labor movement; Slavery; Social problems; Working class
This remarkable difference in the revolutionary movements of ancient
and modern times cannot but strike every thinking man who will take
the trouble to compare them. Nor let it be said that the difference
arises solely from the disaffected having been slaves in the times
of paganism and freemen in the times of Christianity. Cataline and
his co-conspirators were not slaves, nor the friends of slaves:
yet they acted precisely upon the same motives and principles as
those ascribed to Eunus and Athenio. Cataline did not promise his
brother-revolutionists a _régime_ of liberty and equality for all
orders of men; quite the contrary. In the first place, he indignantly
repudiated all co-operation with slaves; and instead of _equal rights
and equal laws for all_, he promised one portion of his followers
a cancelling of all their debts; another portion, _magistrates,
sacerdotia, rapinas_--i.e. magisterial offices, the preferments and
property of the Church, and general plunder; and to all he promised
women, wine, horses, dogs, &c., according to their age and tastes.
If we are to believe Sallust, he was to begin with setting fire to
Rome, proceed with the massacre and spoliation of his enemies during
the confusion, and end by putting his associates and friends in the
place of the men they wished to get rid of. In other words, Cataline’s
doctrine was (to use an old Roman phrase), that every man must be
either _prædo_ or _præda_--either the _thief_ or the _spoil_, or,
as Voltaire expresses it, either _hammer_ or _anvil_; and he was
determined to be the thief, or the hammer. The doctrine of _equality_,
at any rate, had no share in his system.
What history describes Cataline to have been is equally predicable of
the whole of the revolutionary school in which he had had his political
training. Sylla and his lieutenants, on the one hand, representing
patrician revolutionists, and Marius, Sulpitius, Saturninus, &c., on
the other, representing the plebeian revolutionists, had acted, every
man of them, upon the principles ascribed to Cataline. Not a chief
or demagogue of them all, on either side, said a word or proposed a
measure that savoured of justice or legality for all people. Principle
was entirely out of the question. It is doubtful, indeed, whether
either leaders or people understood anything at all of the matter.
There is certainly nothing in history to evidence that they either knew
or cared for any other rules or principles of government than those
good old-fashioned ones, which the several agencies of gold, intrigue,
and the sword resolve themselves into--the right of the strongest. To
such republicans as Sylla, Marius, Clodius, Sulpicius, &c., our modern
ideas of a _république démocratique et sociale_ would be about as
intelligible as a proposal to light old Rome with gas or to communicate
_senatus consulta_ by the electric telegraph.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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