The Roman assemblies from their origin to the end of the RepublicBotsford, George Willis
History
The Roman assemblies from their origin to the end of the Republic
Botsford, George Willis
Constitutional law -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
The patricians expected to find a further safeguard in the tribunician
veto, which could be directed against a colleague.[1688] From the fact,
however, that the tribunes continued to resort to the clumsy method of
obstructing the levy, and afterward also of impeding the collection of
the tributum,[1689] we must infer that as yet their intercession did not
prevail against a patrician magistrate.[1690] Various popular seditions,
too, are mentioned for the same period (449-287).[1691] That one which
led to the Hortensian legislation is historical, and it is hardly
possible that all the others are fictions.
Another conservative check was the application of oblative auspices to
the plebeian assembly.[1692] Livy[1693] reports that in 293 the tribunes
resigned because of a faulty election, held probably in violation of
oblativa. In general, however, the plebeian gathering was relatively free
from religious control till after the enactment of the Aelian and Fufian
laws (about 150).[1694] It had the advantage of the comitia centuriata
(1) in freedom from the impetrative auspices, (2) in freedom from the
patrum auctoritas, (3) in mobility. Immediately after the adoption of
the Valerian-Horatian statute it must have become evident that the
tribunician assembly, through the character of its presidency, its
composition, and its democratic spirit, was to outstrip the centuriate
gathering in energy and aggressiveness, and to be in a word the chief
factor of progress in legislation.
No enactment affecting the jurisdiction of tribunes is referred to
Valerius and Horatius by the ancient writers; and yet the arrangement by
which they thereafter brought their capital actions before the centuries
could not have been made without the consent of the government. If,
on the other hand, the tribunes now possessed an unconditioned power
to subject patricians, whether magistrates or private citizens, to
capital prosecutions, they would have found it so effective a means
of political warfare as no longer to need obstruction and sedition in
their struggle for plebeian rights. In capital cases the permission of a
higher magistrate, ordinarily after 367 the praetor, was required; and
before the enactment of the Hortensian statute, we may well believe,
the tribunes had no means of forcing this permission. Some similar
restriction must have been placed on their liberty to bring finable
actions.
The comitia tributa under tribunician presidency had at length become
an effective constitutional factor in legislation and in jurisdiction.
But its action in the former sphere was dependent upon the favor of the
senate, in the latter on that of a patrician magistrate. The range, too,
of its legislation was restricted by the wide administrative powers of
the senate. We shall find it in the following period winning freedom and
enlarging the field of its activity.
The following literature is for the whole period from 449 to
287.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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