The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 1 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far EastKuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
History
The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 1 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far East
Kuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905
From the above lines it will be seen how seriously the War Department
regarded such an antagonist as Japan, and how much anxiety it felt
concerning possible complications with that Power on account of Korea.
Still, so long as we adhered to our decision to evacuate Southern
Manchuria, and not to interfere in Korean affairs, the danger of a
rupture was removed. In 1900 our Government had been obliged to respect
the territorial integrity of China, and the question of evacuating
Manchuria had been in principle decided in the affirmative; and if we
were preparing to leave the country, we certainly could not at the same
time be preparing it as a theatre of military operations.
As regards the evacuation, there was a difference of opinion between
Admiral Alexeieff (the Commander of the Kuan-tung district) and
myself as to the importance to us of Southern Manchuria. I believed
that the occupation of Manchuria would bring us no profit, and
would involve us in trouble with Japan on the one side, through our
nearness to Korea, and with China on the other side, through our
possession of Mukden. I therefore regarded the speedy evacuation of
Southern Manchuria and Mukden as a matter of absolute necessity. The
Commander of the Kuan-tung district, on the other hand, whose duty it
was to defend that district, thought fit to contend that a permanent
occupation of Southern Manchuria would be the best guarantee of our
communications with Russia. There was also a minor difference of
opinion between the Finance Minister and myself with regard to the
withdrawal of our troops from Northern Manchuria. He thought that it
would suffice to leave the Frontier Guards only for the protection
of the railway. Guided by our experience in quelling the Boxer rising
in 1900, I considered it necessary, after withdrawing our troops as
quickly as possible from Southern Manchuria, to remove them from all
populated places in Northern Manchuria which were off the line of
rail, including Kirin and Tsitsihar, and to station a small reserve
at Harbin on the line itself in case of disorder. This reserve need
not have been stronger than two to four infantry battalions and one
battery of artillery. Moreover, I thought we ought to continue to
guard communication between Harbin and Khabarovsk along the Sungari,
and between Tsitsihar and Blagovieschensk, by the maintenance of a few
small military posts. These differences of opinion, however, ceased to
exist with the ratification of the Russo-Chinese Treaty of April 1,
1902. By the terms of that convention our troops—with the exception
of those guarding the railway—were to be removed from all parts of
Manchuria, Southern as well as Northern, within specified periods. This
settlement of the question was a great relief to the War Department,
because it held out the hope of a “return to the west” in our military
affairs. In the first period of six months we were to evacuate the
western part of Southern Manchuria, from Shan-hai-kuan to the River
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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